Introduction

Abstract

This issue of Dædalus focuses on women in the world today: in politics, the economy, and society more broadly. Its publication at the centennial of the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution celebrates victory in the battle for suffrage everywhere.Winning the right to vote was a significant step in the effort to achieve equality for women. Yet the achievement of economic self-sufficiency is equally important. And as the burgeoning #MeToo movement reminds us, freeing women from the threat of sexual harassment and abuse is another crucial goal.Mary Wollstonecraft struck a recognizably modern tone in her 1792 work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman when she wrote that women's dependence on men for sustenance and survival degrades their character. “You can't expect virtue from women until they are to some extent independent of men; indeed, you can't expect the strength of natural affection that would make them good wives and good mothers. While they absolutely depend on their husbands, they will be cunning, mean, and selfish.”1Virginia Woolf made a similar argument more than a century later in A Room of One's Own, concluding that financial dependence on men has meant that the great majority of women can be neither creative nor secure. “Women have had less intellectual freedom than the sons of Athenian slaves…. That is why I have laid so much stress on money and a room of one's own.”2 No one should be surprised when a woman who has no economic resources of her own adapts to the man's world in ways that reflect not her nature, but her need.In some parts of the world, women still occupy profoundly subservient positions across political, economic, and social domains. Women in many countries have secured the right to vote. But suffrage alone does not bring access to political power on equal terms with men, economic equality remains elusive everywhere, and much remains to be done to protect women from sexual harassment and assault. This volume, therefore, is not only a celebration, but also an invitation to further reflection, and a call to action.The path forward is illuminated by the many successes of the past. This collection offers assessments–some cool-headed, some passionate–of the remaining obstacles to equality and points a way toward workable solutions. The essays tap deep stores of insight from academic researchers and from practitioners who experience every day what it is to be a woman in today's world, or understand these dilemmas as sympathetic male observers. The kaleidoscopic picture offered in these pages reflects the complexities of context, but the overall message is clear: the striking progress of our forebears offers hope for the rest of the journey.Of the many societal changes of the second half of the twentieth century, few were as profound in their implications as the changing role of women. To understand how quickly that change occurred, we need only look through two earlier volumes of this journal. There have been only two issues of Dædalus in its sixty-five-year history on topics pertaining to the situation of women: one in 1964 and the second in 1987.3 The difference in the themes, tone, content, and contributors for these two issues, compiled only two decades apart, is a succinct account of the impact of second-wave feminism.“The Woman in America,” published in spring 1964, focused on the challenges and new opportunities of juggling career and marriage, the patterns of women's lives in the home and the workplace, and the distinctive psychology of women. The most prominent authors were male social scientists. The concepts of power and politics were effectively absent.Fast forward to 1987, and we are in a completely different world. “Learning About Women: Gender, Politics, and Power” centered not on “the woman” but women, recognizing that not all women are alike. Most of the authors were distinguished female social scientists and historians. Several of the essays are specifically about political themes, including conversations with Elizabeth Holtzman and Shirley Williams, prominent political leaders in New York City and the United Kingdom.Carl Degler, the only author other than Jill K. Conway to contribute to both volumes, wrote the concluding essay, entitled “On Rereading ‘The Woman in America,'” for the 1987 issue. He had earlier emphasized the absence of any guiding principles that would reflect goals and commitments held by women. As he admitted in 1987, he had been completely wrong about this: what he called “ideology” – such as the beliefs and commitments of second-wave feminists – was just not yet visible in 1964.4The one exception to Degler's generalization was Alice Rossi's 1964 essay entitled, with a nod to Jonathan Swift, “Equality Between the Sexes: An Immodest Proposal.” This essay was widely cited and included in many syllabi for courses in women's studies in the succeeding decades. Rossi found “practically no feminist spark left among American women.” There were “few Noras in contemporary society” because women seem to “have deluded themselves that the doll's house is large enough to find complete personal fulfillment within it.” Rossi's argument is more radical than Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, published a year earlier in 1963. Rossi's major thesis, so familiar now, was then rarely voiced: “that we need to reassert the claim to sex equality and to search for the means by which it can be achieved.”5Rossi's definition of sex equality was “a socially androgynous conception of the roles of men and women, in which they are equal and similar in such spheres as intellectual, artistic, political and occupational interests and participation, complementary only in spheres dictated by physiological differences between the sexes.” She continues: “An androgynous conception of sex role means that each sex will cultivate some of the characteristics usually associated with the other in traditional sex role definitions. This means that tenderness and expressiveness should be cultivated in boys and socially approved in men,” and that “achievement need, workmanship and constructive aggression should be cultivated in girls and that a female of any age would be similarly free to express these qualities.” Rossi describes this goal as “the enlargement of the common ground on which men and women base their lives together by chancing the social definitions of approved characteristics and behavior for both sexes.”6An author making the same point today might use the term “gender.” In the early 1960s, however, the concept of gender was characterized by Talcott Parsons's views of the biological bases of the divisions of labor in society, not associated with cultural roles. By 1987, it was received wisdom that gender is a cultural, rather than a biological, phenomenon. Gender patterns were viewed as fluid, changing over time.The introduction to the 1987 volume, written by Jill K. Conway, Susan C. Bourque, and Joan W. Scott, focuses specifically on this topic. The work of gender is “the production of culturally appropriate forms of male and female behavior,” mediated by the various institutions of any society. The authors emphasize that “gender systems – regardless of historical time period – are binary systems that oppose male to female, masculine to feminine, usually not on an equal basis but in hierarchical order.”7Such a rigidly binary understanding of sex and gender stands in stark contrast to the concept of gender today. The fluidity that authors noted in 1987 has become much more pervasive, effacing the binary divisions between the sexes that have dominated human understanding for millennia. Notions of transgender identity, bisexuality, and other variations on the binary theme would have been alien to the authors (and almost all readers) of both volumes.Several of the essays in this volume, and especially Anne Marie Goetz's, include thoughtful discussions of gender, but the prominence of gender fluidity in 2020 has led us not to use the word in the title of this volume. An issue of Dædalus on the theme of “gender” would be fascinating; but this is not that volume. Our interest is in the situation of women in the world today, and we are not concerned with how any individual has come to the self-understanding and presentation of self as female. We are more interested in what has come to be known as “intersectionality,” the ways in which differences among human beings–including race, ethnicity, class, and sexual identification–both divide and unite women in all societies today.8It is a blot on the history of women's suffrage in the United States that the most prominent leaders of the effort failed to fight for minority women and men. Confronted with racism in the electorate and fearing that Southern states would refuse to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment, White suffragists retreated from promoting equality for Black Americans. The contributions of eloquent and dedicated Black suffragists including Frances Ellen Watkins Parker, Mary Church Terrell, and Mary Ann Shadd Cary were ignored or downplayed by White leaders such as Susan B. Anthony and Carrie Chapman Catt.9 This betrayal meant that Black people would have to wait until the civil rights movement of the 1960s for an explicit recognition that Jim Crow violated political equality for Black Americans as effectively as the absence of women's voting rights had excluded women from politics.Racism is deep in America, and it motivates public unwillingness to invest in education, health, and welfare in minority neighborhoods. But underinvestment is a vicious cycle that underpins continuing, long-term, and pernicious statistical discrimination against minorities in America. The pattern is well documented in employment: identical resumes with minority-sounding names are routinely given lower marks by potential employers.10 This parallels discrimination against prospective women applicants for many kinds of jobs.11Employers may assume that minorities are poorly educated, and many are, often because of fiscal neglect. Even individuals who transcend bad circumstances often face a wall of prejudice. Statistical discrimination, in which people judge individuals based on population averages, produces widespread implicit bias.12 The legacies of racism as well as sexism continue to afflict minority women today, and thus they face a “double bind.” Severe statistical discrimination against Black men and mass incarceration of Black fathers has often left Black women to support their families. Black women entered the workforce earlier and in far larger numbers than their White counterparts, although typically in low-paying jobs such as housecleaning and childcare.13The concept of intersectionality includes class as well as race, gender, and sexual identity. Another blot on the history of feminism, as Dara Strolovitch and others have pointed out, is the sustained blindness of privileged women in many countries to the women with fewer economic advantages who care for the children of the more privileged, cleaning their houses and doing other domestic duties so that their employers can do the professional work they have chosen.14 The “consciousness raising” that was the signature activity of second-wave feminism did not include raising our consciousness about class cleavages. And as the split in the leadership of the Women's March organization attests, the impact of race remains a significant challenge to the women's movement in the United States today.15 Much remains to be done in both these areas before we can wholeheartedly celebrate progress in the movement for equality.The essays in this collection address four themes: political participation, economic equality, changing social norms, and the path forward. As Dawn Teele points out in “Women & the Vote,” the centrality of the act of voting in democratic governments means that women were not fully citizens in any democracy until the mid-nineteenth century. The struggle for suffrage around the world sparked what has been called the “first wave” of the modern feminist movement. The leadership of committed activists in the struggle for suffrage is a prime example of the power of women focused on the pursuit of a specific goal, although the delays in granting the vote provide evidence of the stubborn obstacles. Crucially, the suffragists built bridges to powerful men who were committed to their cause or saw ways to benefit from women allies in pursuing their own goals.Teele reminds us of the tensions between the more radical women leaders, including Emmeline Pankhurst in the United Kingdom and Alice Paul in the United States, and the more cautious leaders, such as Millicent Fawcett and Carrie Chapman Catt. Both sides contributed to achieving the goal, not in direct collaboration but in the neat convergence of their strategies: the demands of radical women made the pleas of the centrists seem reasonable by comparison. As Teele notes, there are lessons here for the continuing struggle for equality: rights for women do not automatically emerge but must be fought for and preserved.The fight for suffrage was carried out not only to give women the vote, but also to make it possible to stand for political office. Further obstacles must be surmounted before women have an equal share in representative government. As Joan Scott put it in her 1987 essay in Dædalus, referring to gender and race, “The difficulties experienced by the bearers of these marks of difference indicate that access is more than a matter of ‘getting through the door.'”16 Kira Sanbonmatsu in her contribution to this volume, “Women's Underrepresentation in the U.S. Congress,” discusses the current situation of women officeholders in the United States. Even though American women have voted at a higher rate than men for four decades and held the majority of seats in city councils and statewide offices in some areas, men still outnumber women significantly in the posts with the greatest power and prestige.Sanbonmatsu identifies three types of factors that help explain this persistent gap in office-holding: social and psychological; political; and racial. Under the first heading, age-old stereotypes that associate leadership with masculinity and emphasize the traditional sexual division of labor continue to stand as obstacles. However, once a woman decides to run for statewide office or Congress, she is about as likely as a male candidate to succeed. Persuading more women to stand for office is thus a crucial goal.The striking increase in the number of women candidates for office in the 2018 U.S. midterm elections and the continuing efforts to influence local, state, and national politics have been disproportionately within the Democratic Party. Whatever their party affiliation, racial prejudice and stereotypes mean that Black and Latina women face an especially daunting challenge in being elected. However, as Sanbonmatsu points out, given their position at the intersection of two major categories–race and gender–minority women can sometimes hope to build broader coalitions than those available to White women or Black men.Despite the uptick in 2018, only 24 percent of the members of the U.S. Congress today are female, compared with 30 to 50 percent in Western Europe, and even more in female parliamentary majorities in Rwanda, Cuba, and Bolivia. The proportional representation systems of Europe are conducive to gender parity because parties rather than individuals compete for office. By contrast, women are at a comparative disadvantage in weak party systems such as in the United States, where it is consequential to lose seniority on account of child-rearing and to possess weaker fundraising networks on account of lower-wage jobs.17Rafaela Dancygier's essay, “Another Progressive's Dilemma: Immigration, the Radical Right & Threats to Gender Equality,” offers a striking demonstration of the gap between left- and right-wing parties in support for women's interests. Radical right-wing parties in Europe are in most cases dominated by men, even though several prominent women head such organizations. Male leaders, particularly in parties appealing to Muslim voters, support policies that preserve traditional gender roles. Dancygier demonstrates that in this situation, left-wing parties that would like to show cosmopolitan values by putting ethnically diverse candidates on the ballot risk undermining another set of progressive values: those in support of gender equality.Traditional right-wing parties rarely advance women as candidates for office. Dancygier shows that, where voter mobilization and turnout matter for parties' electoral success, the consequences are dire for women of minority groups with patriarchal norms. Party leaders steer clear of nominating women from these groups for party lists because they must rely on powerful community leaders, almost always men, to get out the vote.Susan Chira offers a vivid account of the surge of women's political activism in the United States following the 2016 election, in what she calls “Donald Trump's Gift to Feminism: The Resistance.” The intensive organizing, protesting, and recruiting of women candidates in the two years following Trump's election paved the way for the record-shattering participation of women in 2018. Although many leaders of this effort identified as Democrats, women of both parties, including record numbers of women of color, were mobilized to back the cause. Nonetheless, partisan lines held strong for those Republican women who enthusiastically supported Trump.As Chira points out, all women do not define their self-interest, or their political priorities, in the same ways. This was clear in the 1920s, when newly enfranchised women did not vote as a group for what might be interpreted as “the interests of women.” Women who might be expected to bond around experiencing harassment or discrimination in the workplace may give a higher priority to other aspects of their identities based on race, class, sexual identity, or religious affiliation.Chira discusses some of the ways in which women wield power once they obtain it. As she puts it: “Nancy Pelosi has offered a master class in the patient acquisition and exuberant flexing of power.” Yet the stereotypes have not been dissolved: the run-up to the 2020 U.S. presidential election, with unprecedented numbers of women candidates, has revived the familiar dilemmas about how women running for office are described and assessed.One of the most striking developments of the past few years has been the #MeToo movement, prompted in part by revulsion to Trump's misogynistic statements. Chira–and, in another essay in this volume, Anita Jivani–reminds us that the movement had been launched a decade earlier by a Black woman, Tarana Burke, although it was a tweet by Alyssa Milano that generated immediate, mass exposure. The “outing” of abusive men and visibility accorded to stories of sexual assault have been unprecedented, and the reverberations have been profound. Several of the essays in this issue allude to the movement and its consequences.The motivating energies of the #MeToo movement were foreshadowed in February 1990, when the Des Moines Register published a series of pathbreaking articles on rape. The crucial decision by the editor, Geneva Overholser, was to list the woman's name. Instead of remaining silent and hiding her identity, as rape victims had traditionally done, Nancy Ziegenmeyer wanted her story of sexual assault told in detail and wanted that story to be broadly heard. The story also showed the terrible effects of the rape on the man convicted of the crime, a Black resident of Ziegenmeyer's town with a wife and two small children, sentenced to a long term in prison. Jane Shorer's series entitled “It Couldn't Happen to Me: One Woman's Story” won a Pulitzer Prize for the Register.The #MeToo movement has had several unintended consequences. Some men are now reluctant to mentor women, lest their actions be misinterpreted; others use the movement as a convenient excuse for failing to support women employees. Either case makes it more difficult for women to receive a promotion. Men are sometimes wrongly identified as perpetrators of assault and suffer the consequences. Women who step forward, from Anita Hill to Christine Blasey Ford, may be broadly vilified and attacked. Even more basic, the norms of the #MeToo movement can lead women to identify themselves as victims rather than promote a sense of empowerment and agency to find allies and fight back.However, the advantages of the movement are also clear: women suffering from abuse and assault are more willing to name themselves and their accusers and receive support from other women around the world. Workplace organizations engage in training to make employees more conscious of the dimensions of sexual harassment and assault. And thoughtful men ponder the messages conveyed by the movement and reflect on behavior that may hurt women, behavior that a man may have taken for granted in the world around him.The hard-fought victory for suffrage is surely worth celebrating. But equality at the ballot box did not translate into equality for women in the workplace. Black women confront pervasive prejudice; all women deal with social expectations that “a woman's place is in the home.” Women who choose to work outside the home face significant barriers in many professions.Neoclassical economists argue that discrimination against women will gradually disappear because it is inefficient to recruit and promote a mediocre man rather than a highly qualified woman.18 This argument ignores a familiar set of calculations that work in the opposite direction. When a young woman launches a career, employers as well as family members often expect that she will give highest priority to family and take time off when a child is born. A whole cascade of self-enforcing incentives follows from this initial actuarially based expectation, affecting an individual woman's prospects regardless of whether she plans to have children.Parents may not invest in their daughter's professional readiness. Accepting for herself the appropriateness of the traditional roles, a young woman may lower her sights for employment or a career. The cycle of statistical discrimination is reinforced: employers would be right, on average, in placing their bets on hiring and promoting men. Ambitious and professionally committed young women are thus at a significant disadvantage in many fields compared with men of comparable ambition and training.Not all women (or men) want to work outside the home. Especially where the option is a low-wage job requiring rote performance rather than the challenges of a profession, a parent may choose to take care of young children and find challenges and opportunities in the home, rather than the workplace. However, given the falling marriage rates and frequency of divorce, a woman caring for children who lacks job training or experience may face serious economic hardship. Multiple alternative patterns that would make it possible for each family to choose its own distinctive course are unavailable.One obvious solution would be the widespread availability of high-quality, affordable childcare. Other policies associated with more employment opportunities for women include flexible hours, maternity and paternity leave, and the ability to work from home. Yet the situation is more complex than it may at first appear. Legislation requiring firms to offer parental leave, without paying the costs of replacement labor for those taking the leave, potentially saddles firms with a big bill for hiring and promoting women, as long as women are more likely to take leave. Unless the government covers these costs, this kind of policy amounts to an “unfunded mandate” that reduces firms' motivation to hire women. It is important to consider the unintended consequences of well-meaning policies.Torben Iversen, Frances McCall Rosenbluth, and Øyvind Skorge illustrate this problem of unintended consequences in their essay “The Dilemma of Gender Equality: How Labor Market Regulation Divides Women by Class.” Men are generally expected to be able to work long hours and be available for assignments nights and weekends. And given that productivity in management roles–unlike productivity in some lower-wage jobs–is positively correlated with the hours you devote to the job, working long hours is one good way of showing that you are ready for the rigors of management. Yet these long hours disadvantage any woman (or man) who has significant responsibilities in the home. Limiting working hours is therefore generally seen as a good way to level the playing field for women.Paradoxically, however, heavily regulated labor markets in Europe that impose restrictions on hours worked yield a smaller share of women in top management positions than less regulated economies such as the United States'. Such regulations do support women workers in lower-wage jobs, assuring them a better income and a limit on the hours they are expected to work. But the same restrictions make it more difficult for a woman to signal how productive she is capable of being. Although ambitious men are limited in the same way, they do not face the powerful stereotypes that many employers use in determining how valuable an employee will be. Men can signal their readiness for management in other ways, whereas for a woman, disadvantaged from the start in expectations about her likely future performance, there are few ways as effective as working longer hours to demonstrate her value to her employer.This finding goes a long way toward explaining the surprising fact that there are lower proportions of women in management positions in the private sector in Scandinavia than there are in the United States, although the same Nordic countries have more women in political leadership positions and women there fare better in lower-wage jobs. Class is therefore relevant to this analysis as one form of intersectionality.Jamila Michener and Margaret Brower show how race factors heavily into economic inequality in the United States in their contribution “What's Policy Got to Do with It? Race, Gender & Economic Inequality in the United States.” Like Iversen, Rosenbluth, and Skorge, they focus on the impact of public policies. Well-designed public policies can improve the situation of disadvantaged groups; but such groups may be further disadvantaged by other policies that favor some sectors of society over others. The concept of intersectionality grounds this analysis, showing the interlocking effects of race, ethnicity, class, and gender.Michener and Brower remind us that the Social Security program initially excluded nine out of ten African American women because domestic and agricultural workers were not covered by the policies. Similarly, the provisions and implementation of the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program, a crucial part of the U.S. social safety net, have yielded systematic racial disparity. Michener and Brower also show how the restructuring of the U.S. economy between 1970 and the 1990s disproportionately disadvantaged young Black women in both industrial and white-collar jobs. Policies such as disability insurance or unemployment compensation may affect Black, Latina, and White women differently because of other circumstances in their lives.The essay by Sara Lowes, “Kinship Structure & Women: Evidence from Economics,” demonstrates the importance of economics to the status of women in a very different context: matrilineal and patrilineal societies in the Democratic Republic of Congo today. She shows how these two different forms of kinship have markedly different implications for women, even in ethnic groups in close geographical proximity that share similar economic situations.Women in ethnic groups structured so that property and family identity are traced through the female line remain close to the menfolk in their family of origin. Brothers and uncles are important potential allies and supporters, whereas a woman in a patrilineal kin group is absorbed into her husband's extended family. Lowes shows how this difference leads to significant disparities in the attitudes and behaviors of women in the two different systems. Women in patrilineal systems choose to compete less than men in a research setting. But in matrilineal systems, women are as likely to choose competition or take risky gambles as men.Lowes finds that women in matrilineal structures have more self-confidence and generally report being happier than those in patrilineal societies. They are more likely to believe that women should have some autonomy in decision-making; they are less likely to believe domestic violence is justified, and experience less of it. Women in matrilineal societies are more likely to participate in politics and invest in their children. Lowes shows how cultural practices such as payment of bride-price and location of residence can help explain these disparities.Anita Jivani shifts our focus to the future of women workers in the United States. In “Gender Lens to the Future of Work,” Jivani explores the likely impact on women of technological shifts that will shape the future of work. As she notes, women now graduate from college at higher rates than men, yet men are more likely to be hired into promising jobs and are much more likely to be recruited into management positions down the line. The fact that women are much less likely than men to be educated in the STEM disciplines becomes a particular liability in an age in which technological skills are central in a growing number of fields.Jivani discusses various kinds of retraining and “upskilling” provided by companies these days, as well as the ways in which computer science and engineering can be made more appealing to girls and young