Abstract
Abstract Notes 1. David Ryan, US Foreign Policy in World History (London, 2000), p. 74. 2. For instance, Theodore Roosevelt does not make it into the index in R. Laurence Moore and Maurizio Vaudagna, eds., The American Century in Europe (Ithaca, NY, 2003). 3. Henry R. Luce, “The American Century,” Life 10 (17 February 1941), p. 62. 4. Ibid., p. 65. 5. Michael Hunt, The American Ascendancy: How the United States Gained and Wielded Global Dominance (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), p. 54. 6. See Frank Ninkovich, “Theodore Roosevelt: Civilization as Ideology,” Diplomatic History vol. 10 (1986), pp. 222–230. 7. Ryan, p. 56; Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansionism and the Empire of Right (New York, 1995), p. 106. 8. For Ryan the verdict is clear: “by extension, such sentiments might form the basis for the pacification of Vietnam in the 1960s and Nicaragua in the 1980s, and the isolation of the ‘rogue states’ in the 1990s.” Ibid., p. 76. 9. “McCain favours a League of Democracies,” Washington Post, 30 April 2007. The thinking that the US should concentrate on forging ahead on particular issues with like-minded states instead of being held back by dissenters permeates much of recent commentary on US foreign policy. See for instance the important report A Smarter, More Secure America, compiled in 2007 by the CSIS Commission on Smart Power under the leadership of Joseph Nye and Richard Armitage, in which is stated that new initiatives in this vein could solve recurring problems in the fields of security, trade, energy, health, and the environment. Online, available at <http://www.csis.org/component/option.com_csis_pubs/task,view/id,4156/type,1/> (4 September 2008). 10. Frank Ninkovich, The Wilsonian Century: US Foreign Policy since 1900 (Chicago, 1999), p. 24. 11. Quoted in Ninkovich, “Theodore Roosevelt,” p. 231.
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