Abstract
The investigation of electoral systems’ effects in post-communist democracies has so far led to very surprising results. The effect of electoral systems in Central and Eastern Europe appears ‘not [to] be the same’ as in the rest of the world (Golder, 2002, p. 24); several studies conclude (Clark and Golder, 2006, p. 693; Grzymala-Busse, 2006, p. 421; Moraski and Loewenberg, 1999) that the common models that are valid in the rest of the world seem not to hold when they are tested on post-communist countries in Europe. Attempts to explain patterns of party systems through electoral systems often lead to results that fundamentally contradict common knowledge on electoral systems.1
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