Abstract

One of the results of the development of international relations in the second half of the current century was the transformation of nuclear weapons directly into a factor of world politics, which hangs over the entire global security system even in the conditions of the “post-confrontational era”. This is not the inertia of the philosophy of containment, as the world in the 1980s and 1990s proved its flexibility and even readiness for transformations by the ever-increasing susceptibility of international relations to scientific and technical influence. The rapid development of atomic energy, despite a number of man-made disasters (from Trimayland to Chernobyl), continues, and the diversity of research in this field is combined with the number of countries interested in the scientific development of this field. Therefore, guarantees of the exclusively peaceful orientation of the energy programs of non-nuclear states, a legally established and effective ban on the production of nuclear weapons best correspond to modern concepts of maintaining stability in certain regions and the world as a whole. However, the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, although it limited the hyperbolization of the nuclear factor in a certain historical segment, could not fully fulfill its second task of ranking states into only two groups - nuclear and non-nuclear. Outside of this dual, simplified scheme of political regulation of conflicting interests, a risk group has emerged, consisting of countries with a vague status of “near-threshold”. This happened not only because the nuclear states created a cult of nuclear weapons, but also because the logic of scientific and technological progress led to this, which was distorted in the prism of rivalry between states, especially at the regional level. First of all, the process of industrial-type countries approaching the nuclear threshold, which the block of post-industrial societies is trying to isolate from them, is absolutely inevitable from the point of view of science and technology. This does not mean equalizing the levels of development, which would create a favorable foundation, and then objective prerequisites for solving a whole series of contradictions in the system of international relations and, perhaps, removing the nuclear problem itself from the agenda. On the contrary, the configuration of inequality remained the same and only moved, pulling the locomotive of technical progress along the rails of global economic relations, to the zone of nuclear coordinates. Key words: IAEA, Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, nuclear weapons, nuclear materials, General Assembly of the United Nations.

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