Abstract

Attempts to respond to “democratic deficits” in modern constitutional republics must contend with the broad scholarly trend of electoral skepticism. While generally casting doubt on periodic competitive elections’ suitability as vehicles of accountability, electoral skepticism does not necessarily entail an absolute devaluation of elections. Some normative and empirical research responds to this trend by refocusing attention on values other than popular power, such as civil peace, which might be served by periodic competitive elections. Another response short of abandoning the value of popular power, however, is to draw out possibilities for institutional design from the restricted conditions under which previous study has found electoral accountability to be plausible or likely. This second task requires an empirically informed exercise in political theory. Pursuing it in a programmatic and policy-relevant way requires descending from the grand, systemic level of constitutional structures and electoral formulae to intermediate (or middle-range) institutional conditions of accountability, such as rules about parties, campaigns, and election administration. My analysis reinterprets principal-agent models to develop four general types of crucial condition for electoral accountability, and then ramifies this scheme by reference to recent empirical research. The result is a “top ten” list of specific institutional factors that could be theoretically decisive in helping or hindering electoral accountability. These ten conditions could guide future research designs and reform proposals alike.

Highlights

  • The cumulative effect of empirical research over time is often to modify or to qualify the conventional wisdom on a given topic

  • Since the most direct route to the possibility of deliberate change lies in formal rules and procedures, deepening our knowledge of institutional factors of electoral accountability might support practical reform proposals for institutional design

  • The analysis below identifies the general value of popular power as the normative stakes in investigating the strength or weakness of electoral accountability and offers an exercise in empirically informed political theory to identify potential institutional responses

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Summary

Introduction

The cumulative effect of empirical research over time is often to modify or to qualify the conventional wisdom on a given topic This has arguably been the case with research on elections and democratic accountability. If we are to make a fair assessment of the institutional possibilities of electoral accountability, is a theoretic framework for intermediate conditions, in the middle range of institutionalization where the design and interpretation of empirical studies could interface in a constructive and coherent fashion with normative and programmatic proposals. The analysis below identifies the general value of popular power as the normative stakes in investigating the strength or weakness of electoral accountability (in Section 2) and offers an exercise in empirically informed political theory to identify potential institutional responses. This “top ten” list supplies a basis for developing intermediate institutional conditions that could counter the spoiler conditions and thereby promote greater accountability through elections

Conceptual Contours of Electoral Accountability
Principal-Agent Models and Their Limitations
Crucial Conditions of Electoral Accountability
Spoiler Conditions of Electoral Accountability
A-1. Poor Information
A-2. Poor Judgment
A-3. Misattributed Responsibility
B-4. Misincentives
B-5. Pecuniary Corruption
C-6. Unequal Campaign Funding
C-7. Weak Parties
C-8. Strong Parties
D-9. Electoral Fraud
D-10. Electoral Inaccuracy
Findings
Conclusion
Full Text
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