Abstract

The field of family relations has a longstanding interest in parent-child interactions. More recently, there has been increasing attention to such interactions during adulthood, The relationship between parents and children can become particularly dynamic during the later years. Children grow up, many establish their own families and careers, and some become caregivers for their parents. Considerable research indicates that women have traditionally provided most of the caregiving for elderly parents (Brubaker & Brubaker, 1992). As women, especially those who are middle-aged, enter the labor force in growing numbers, it is important to examine their involvement in parental caregiving in contrast to that of their male counterparts (Brody, Litvin, Albert, & Hoffman, 1994; Brody & Schoonover, 1986). This article builds upon a conceptual framework of intergenerational solidarity in later life (Bengtson & Black, 1973). This framework has been previously tested to specify the elements related to parent-child cohesion (e.g., Atkinson, Kivett, g, Campbell, 1986; Bengtson & Roberts, 1991; Roberts & Bengtson, 1990). To date, six types of solidarity have been identified: association, affection, consensus, function, familism, and structure. Much of the existing research bas focused on the interrelationships among these elements. Recently, however, researchers of intergenerational solidarity during later life have begun to consider new ways of enhancing this theoretical framework. Bengtson and Roberts (1991, p. 868) have suggested that to develop this theory, more attention should be devoted to predictors of each element. In one such effort, Whitbeck, Hoyt, and Huck (1994) examined the influence of early family experience on several aspects of solidarity, including relationship strain, filial concern, affection, and social support. This article examines one dimension of intergenerational solidarity in relation to another set of exogenous predictors--workplace conditions of adult children. In this study, we address functional solidarity, a key element of Bengtson and Roberts' (1991) framework that has received relatively little attention (Lee, Netzer, & Coward, 1994). Functional solidarity refers to patterns of instrumental support or resource sharing among family members. Our central concern is intergenerational functional solidarity between adult children and their parents. Specifically, we address whether workplace factors contribute to functional solidarity, after controlling for other relevant factors. We also consider whether the impact of workplace factors on solidarity varies by the caregiver's gender. PREVIOUS STUDIES Minimal research examines the influence of gender, other contextual factors, and employment factors on intergenerational functional solidarity. Nevertheless, there is a growing body of research on caregiving that is relevant. Gender and Intergenerational Caregiving One of the most consistent findings is that adult daughters provide more care to their parents than do adult sons (Dwyer & Coward, 1991, 1992). There is considerable evidence that daughters tend to be their parents' primary caregivers (Horowitz, 1985; Soldo, Wolf, & Agree, 1990), while sons play a secondary or back-up role (Tennstedt, McKinlay, & Sullivan, 1989). Horowitz (1985) found that, among male primary caregivers, most were only children, in all-male sibships, or the only child in the area. Gender differences also emerge with respect to the types of care provided. Horowitz (1985) found that adult daughters provided much more hands-on assistance than sons, including household chores, preparation of meals, and personal care. Stoller (1990) also observed that female caregivers provided more routine domestic help than did male caregivers. Similarly, Dwyer and Coward (1991) discovered that daughters were more likely than sons to assist their parents with both activities of daily living (ADL) and instrumental activities of daily living (IADL) tasks. …

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