Abstract

The Latin perfect is characterised by a variety of synchronically unpredictable verb stem formations. From an Indo‑European point of view, these formations derive from distinct diachronic sources, and there is no agreement in the literature as to which factors determine their selection by individual verbs. In this paper, a new hypothesis is presented for perfect stem selection in Latin, focusing on a kernel of verbs which have so far proven most recalcitrant to systematic explanation. Specifically, this paper presents evidence that congruence between the stem vocalism of the present and perfect stems was a significant factor in determining whether an inherited reduplicating perfect was retained or replaced by a productive sigmatic perfect. Based on this hypothesis, the paper lays the basis for a chronologically layered (pre)history of the Latin perfect system.

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