Abstract
Hebrew frequently exhibits geminates in the root but strictly constrains their location: Root-initial gemination is rare (e.g., ssm), whereas root-final gemination (e.g., smm) is frequent. Four experiments demonstrate that Hebrew speakers generalize this constraint to novel roots. When speakers are encouraged to form a triliteral root from a biconsonantal input (e.g., sm), they frequently reduplicate the root's final radical (e.g., smm), but not its initial radical (e.g., ssm). Likewise, the rejection of novel root foils with root initial geminates is easier than roots with final geminates. In both cases, speakers' performance is inexplicable by the statistical structure of the Hebrew language. Speakers' ability to freely generalize the constraint on root structure suggests that their linguistic competence appeals to mental variables.
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