Abstract
This article uses the analysis of lexemes from the word family *kostь f. ‘bone’ with the phonemic sequence *-st’- and typologically comparable material from other Slavic word families to establish that during the early Proto-Slavic period the acrostatic declension pattern of i-stem nouns of the type Skt. avi-ḥ, Gsg avy-aḥ was at least still partially active in inflectional morphology and that it was only later (and in the Slavic linguistic system) that it was supplanted and the dominant proterokinetic type *kȍstь < *-i-s, Gsg *kȍsti < *-e-s prevailed over it.
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