“Vivre en paix et en bonne intelligence avec les princes locaux” in Senegambia in the Age of Slave Economy: Diplomatic Treaties, Trade, Conflicts, and Peace in Interaction (1679–1815)

Reviewed by: Twilight of Empire: The Brest-Litovsk Conference and the Remaking of East-Central Europe, 1917–1918 by Borislav Chernev Gwendal Piégais (bio) Borislav Chernev, Twilight of Empire: The Brest-Litovsk Conference and the Remaking of East-Central Europe, 1917–1918 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2017). 301 pp., ills. Bibliography. Index. ISBN: 978-1-4875-0149-5. Borislav Chernev's book is dedicated to one of the key events at the end of the Great War – the Brest-Litovsk Conference, which resulted in a peace treaty signed on March 3, 1918, between the Bolshevik government of Soviet Russia and the Central Powers (Imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Ottoman Empire), later joined by a Ukrainian delegation. A close look at the peace negotiations allows us to see how wartime alliances make it difficult to reach a peace settlement because of the allies' conflicting agendas (P. 6). The author reconstructs the negotiation process and the very mechanisms of elaborating a treaty. This sets his book apart from the historiographic mainstream, which is concentrated on criticizing the draconian terms of the treaty imposed by militaristic Germany.1 Moreover, Chernev brings to the fore of his study the actors neglected by traditional historiographic [End Page 260] narratives, most notably Austro-Hungarian, Bulgarian, and Ukrainian delegations. He also substantiates his vision of what he calls the "Brest-Litovsk system" as a key moment in the decolonizing process of Eastern and Central Europe. The book begins with the discussion, in the first chapter, of the encounter between the Ostpolitik (German and Austria political and economic ambitions in Eastern Europe) and the World Revolution (Pp. 12–40). Specifically, it looks at the confrontation between a fractured alliance fighting on two fronts that needed peace on one of them, and a newborn political power that issued a utopian and "sweeping Decree on Peace demanding an end to hostilities in all theaters of war" (P. 40). In this respect, the Brest-Litovsk negotiations became a clash of worldviews. The second chapter (Pp. 41–78) presents the main demands contained in the Bolshevik Peace Decree – a universal peace without annexations and indemnities, upholding the right to national self-determination. Since the Central Powers intended to use self-determination as a tool for establishing control over the former western borderlands of the Russian Empire, the Soviet government used negotiations to delay any decision as long as possible, hoping for a revolution in Germany and Austria-Hungary. The Great January Strike of January 1918 in Austria, described in the third chapter (Pp. 79–119), fueled Trotsky's hope for the revolution coming to the Central Powers. But the army remained loyal to the emperor, the line of procurement was improved, so the government succeeded in restoring order through negotiations with the leaders of the Social Democrats. In chapter 4 (Pp. 120–157), Chernev suggests that, although subdued, the mass social unrest forced Austria-Hungary to seek peace with renewed vigor and made it open talks with the Ukrainian delegation at Brest-Litovsk. These negotiations conferred much more importance on the Ukrainian delegates: they meant a recognition of the country by a foreign power and opened cooperation between the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Central Powers. Ukraine offered food supplies to Austria-Hungary in exchange for military support, which alone made possible the development of modern Ukrainian statehood. The "Dream of Byzantium," Bulgaria's project of regional hegemony in the Balkans, threatened to derail the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk and the integrity of the alliance itself. As shown in chapter 5 (Pp. 158–182), the Bulgarian side attempted to play the card of national self-determination with the Bolsheviks and exploit the slogan of the Slavic brotherhood with the Ukrainian delegation in [End Page 261] order to obtain additional leverage for renegotiating the future borders. This subversive activity was stopped after the news about it had reached Berlin, and the Bulgarian chief delegate Popov was recalled. Finally, chapter 6 (Pp. 183–220) presents the aftermath of Trotsky's famous démarche, the "No War, No Peace" declaration. The diplomats of Germany and Austria-Hungary had opposed to Erich Ludendorff's ambitious plans of annexations in the East...

346CIVIL WAR HISTORY the text. Of the three parts prepared by McCaIl, the series of individual reports provides the least information and is often tedious reading with repetition of relatively unimportant facts. Since McCaIl followed the format of the "56th Article of the Regulations of the Army," the product of these reports is about as interesting to read as those of unit military histories in today's services. Yet, there is much of interest elsewhere, especially in Frazer's thorough additions. The War Department knew "remarkably little" about New Mexico by 1850, but McCaIl helped to fill this void. He was skeptical about the assistance the "Mexican" citizenry could provide in defending the territory but was full of optimism concerning the possibility of employing Pueblo Indian auxiliaries against marauding Apaches and Navajos. Although he committed factual errors, especially about the Spanish period where, for example, he stressed the importance on mines as "the most productive of wealth," his military observations and recommendations for his own period were generally sound. These included the need for more soldiers, posts in the heart of Indian country, and mounted regular units. Finally, it should be added that New Mexico's problems in 1850, as noted by McCaIl, show an amazing similarity to those of the late Spanish period—inadequate numbers of troops, wide dispersion of forces, lack of good horses, inadequate supplies, medical problems, high transportation costs, and relative isolation of the territory. In reality, McCaIl provided U.S. authorities with the same information Spanish governors and military officers had supplied a century earlier. Oakah L. Jones, Jr. U. S. Air Force Academy New Mexico's Quest for Statehood, 1846-1912. By Robert W. Larson. (University of New Mexico Press, 1968. Pp. x, 405. $10.) New Mexico struggled longer to acquire statehood than any other organized territory in the United States. National politics proved to be a frequent stumbling block. Sectional division in 1850, the enthusiasm of New Mexico's congressional delegate for Republican views of the South in 1875, support for free coinage of silver in the 1890's, and big business connections in the Progressive period all retarded efforts to make the territory a state. Internal differences over public education, religion, taxation, and land speculation resulted in both violence and apathy which hurt New Mexico's image and chances of admission. Some congressmen questioned the size of its population and the rate of its economic growth. Yet Anglo-Protestant prejudice against Spanish-speaking , Roman Catholic Hispanos remained the most consistent note of opposition throughout New Mexico's sixty-six-year quest for statehood. New Mexicans intermittently renewed their efforts to become a state, BOOK REVIEWS347 however, out of individuals' political and economic ambitions, fears of losing land area to surrounding states and territories, and an honest desire for greater self-government. Amidst a sometimes confusing and perhaps excessive mass of names mentioned in connection with statehood campaigns Thomas Catron stands out for length of concern and influence. Catron constantly sought statehood to promote the value of his vast land holdings and the interests of the railroads he represented as an attorney. He aimed too at advancing his political ambitions which led him to domination of the territorial Republican party as its national committeeman, and to service as United States district attorney and as territorial delegate to Congress. Ultimately he won election as one of New Mexico's first United States Senators in 1912. Questionable interpretations in this study are few. Larson seems to accept Ramsdell's confusion of the plantation system with slavery in discussing the possibility of its spread to New Mexico. The author suggests strong nativist sentiment against New Mexico, but there appears little reason to emphasize its connection to Populism through "Sockless Jerry" Simpson. Most important, Larson does not develop the connection between federal patronage, state and national politics, and statehood efforts as fully as possible. It seems clear, for instance, that McKinley rejected Catron's recommendation for territorial governor because he had favored Reed as the Republican nominee in 1896 and the new President sought to strengthen his control of party machinery. The only important manuscripts to escape Larson's impressive research appear to be the William G...

BOOK REVIEWS347 however, out of individuals' political and economic ambitions, fears of losing land area to surrounding states and territories, and an honest desire for greater self-government. Amidst a sometimes confusing and perhaps excessive mass of names mentioned in connection with statehood campaigns Thomas Catron stands out for length of concern and influence. Catron constantly sought statehood to promote the value of his vast land holdings and the interests of the railroads he represented as an attorney. He aimed too at advancing his political ambitions which led him to domination of the territorial Republican party as its national committeeman, and to service as United States district attorney and as territorial delegate to Congress. Ultimately he won election as one of New Mexico's first United States Senators in 1912. Questionable interpretations in this study are few. Larson seems to accept RamsdelTs confusion of the plantation system with slavery in discussing the possibility of its spread to New Mexico. The author suggests strong nativist sentiment against New Mexico, but there appears little reason to emphasize its connection to Populism through "Sockless Jerry" Simpson. Most important, Larson does not develop the connection between federal patronage, state and national politics, and statehood efforts as fully as possible. It seems clear, for instance, that McKinley rejected Catron's recommendation for territorial governor because he had favored Reed as the Republican nominee in 1896 and the new President sought to strengthen his control of party machinery. The only important manuscripts to escape Larson's impressive research appear to be the William G. Ritch collection in the Huntington Library. The author's failure to use some recent biographies and studies of the Civil War in New Mexico does not weaken the quality of his account. Consultation of Jim B. Pearson, The Maxwell Land Grant (1961), and Holman Hamilton, Prologue to Conflict: The Crisis and Compromise of 1850 (1964), would have added depth to his treatment of those topics. Nevertheless this volume is the most complete study of New Mexico statehood efforts and a sound contribution to our knowledge of the process by which territories became members of the Union. Alwyn Barr Texas Technological University Fighting Rebels and Redskins: Experiences in Army Life of Colonel George B. Sanford, 1861-1892. Edited by E. R. Hagemann. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969. Pp. xiii, 355. $7.95.) This volume contains two separate accounts of the military career of Colonel George B. Sanford. The first is an extended introduction by E. R. Hagemann, Chairman of the Department of English in the University of Louisville; the second, "Experiences in Army Life," is Sanford's own story of Civil War cavalry service. 348civil war history The primary purpose of the introduction, one-third of the volume, is the reconstruction of Sanford's frontier military career, 1865-1892. Only a few of the colonel's manuscripts on this long service are available ; therefore, Hagemann researched a wide variety of materials in an attempt to round out the biography. But there is still much unknown. As Hagemann concludes, "He [Sanford] remains enigmatic." (p. 105) A secondary aim of the introduction is to rescue Sanford from oblivion and portray him as a conscientious and competent soldier. From the author's narrative it seems that Sanford's campaigns against the Apaches in the Southwest in the 1860's were more successful than those against the Nez Perce and Bannocks in the Pacific Northwest in the 1870's. Hagemann describes the same general conditions found in other studies: the difficult and sometimes dangerous frontier duty, the boring life at remote forts, the frequently unproductive cavalry operations, the slow promotions, and the inner turmoil of sensitive officers who sympathized with Indians. A few extraneous paragraphs, a few unsupported thoughts attributed to Sanford, and a few factual errors—the Nez Perce did not engage in a "rampage" (p. 41), Fort Lapwai was not located on the Snake River (p. 18) and the Yakima Indian Reservation was not located in Oregon (p. 58)—detract from the narrative. Some of Hagemann's conclusions seem inappropriate. For example, his peculiar statement that "It always comes as a shock to discover that not all officers love war, enjoy killing, hanker after...

Ten leading scholars and practitioners of politics, political science, anthropology, Israel studies, and Middle East affairs address the theme of continuity and change in political culture as a tribute to Professor Myron (Mike) J. Aronoff whose work on political culture has built conceptual and methodological bridges between political science and anthropology. Topics include the legitimacy of the two-state solution, identity and memory, denationalization, the role of trust in peace negotiations, democracy, majority-minority relations, inclusion and exclusion, Biblical and national narratives, art in public space, and avant-garde theater. Countries covered include Israel, Palestine, the United States, the Basque Autonomous Region of Spain, and Poland. The first four chapters by Yael S. Aronoff, Saliba Sarsar, Yossi Beilin, and Nadav Shelef examine aspects of the conflict and peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, including alternative solutions. The contributions by Naomi Chazan, Ilan Peleg, and Joel Migdal tackle challenges to democracy in Israel, in other divided societies, and in the creation of the American public. Yael Zerubavel, Roland Vazquez, and Jan Kubik focus their analyses on aspects of national memory, memorialization, and dramatization. Mike Aronoff relates his work on various aspects of political culture to each chapter in an integrative essay in the Epilogue.

Ten leading scholars and practitioners of politics, political science, anthropology, Israel studies, and Middle East affairs address the theme of continuity and change in political culture as a tribute to Professor Myron (Mike) J. Aronoff whose work on political culture has built conceptual and methodological bridges between political science and anthropology. Topics include the legitimacy of the two-state solution, identity and memory, denationalization, the role of trust in peace negotiations, democracy, majority-minority relations, inclusion and exclusion, Biblical and national narratives, art in public space, and avant-garde theater. Countries covered include Israel, Palestine, the United States, the Basque Autonomous Region of Spain, and Poland. The first four chapters by Yael S. Aronoff, Saliba Sarsar, Yossi Beilin, and Nadav Shelef examine aspects of the conflict and peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, including alternative solutions. The contributions by Naomi Chazan, Ilan Peleg, and Joel Migdal tackle challenges to democracy in Israel, in other divided societies, and in the creation of the American public. Yael Zerubavel, Roland Vazquez, and Jan Kubik focus their analyses on aspects of national memory, memorialization, and dramatization. Mike Aronoff relates his work on various aspects of political culture to each chapter in an integrative essay in the Epilogue.

During the pre-colonial period (before 1896) diplomatic relations between European trading companies and the peoples of the Gold Coast (now modern-day Ghana) were articulated, in part, by the public display of symbolically invested items such as badges of office, flags and uniforms and the presentation of costly gifts. On the 7 September 1817, the first Anglo/Asante trade treaty was formerly ratified by between Osei Tutu Asibey Bonsu, King of Asante, (dates of reign 1800–1824) and Thomas E. Bowdich, (1791–1824) the conductor of the first British Mission to Kumase, the Asante capital. Bowdich later wrote that the Asantehene appeared on this day wrapped in a cloth that was made from European flags sewn together. Did the King present himself in this way in order simply to mark the occasion, or was it motivated by other considerations? Drawing on Bowdich's published account and imagery of the Mission I will attempt to provide some answers to this question by contextualising this extraordinary act in relation to three other Asante practices: traditional cloth production, the ritual containment of powerful entities and the appropriation of things from the outside. In doing so I hope to demonstrate that by dressing himself in this way, the Asantehene was not only expressing economic, political and spiritual aspirations but also concealing and revealing Asante ambitions, hopes and fears for the future.

Nepal and India have had trade relations since time immemorial. Nepal was known as an exporting nation in the ancient times. Before the trade agreement between Nepal-Britain Treaty in1923, Nepal's trade with India was more than 95 percent. Despite various treaties and agreements between Nepal and India, Nepal's trade with India now accounts for around 65 percent of total trade. Despite the trade and mutual relations between Nepal and India, India has been treating Nepal on the basis of benefits. In different time periods, India has been creating problems in trade and transit, contrary to international norms and trade and transit treaties, under various pretexts. The objective of this paper is to review of Indo-Nepal trade and transit treaties and analyzing the present status. Descritptive and analytical research design is applied and simple statistical tools are used to analyze the growth and direction of foreign trade of Nepal. Linear regression model is applied to measure the total trade with India and total volume of foreign trade of Nepal. This study has found that there has been significant contribution of total trade with India to the total volume of foreign trade of Nepal. The import trade of Nepal with India is extremely high in comparison to export trade and total trade balance and trade balance with India has been increasing with a huge deficit.

China and Japan have been important countries in East Asia. Whether the development of trade relations between the two countries is good, has a major impact on the economy of East Asia as well as accelerates regional trade liberalization and financial cooperation in East Asia. It also conducts to East Asia peace and stability. The two countries are important trade partners of each other, mutually first and third largest trading partner, which makes a natural advantage of economic cooperation. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan, they have achieved remarkable economic and trade relations, trade and capital flows prosperity, together with having new progress in Sino- Japanese cooperation in science and technology, environmental protection and financial exchanges, etc.. While the two economies promote each other, it also leads to their close exchange of country's political culture. Closer contacts accompanied with increased friction, in this context, our focuses should be what the main problems existing in Sino- Japanese trade relations are, how to defuse bilateral trade unfavorable factors and how to create a new situation of Sino- Japanese trade cooperation, etc. In this paper, through the Sino-Japanese trade relations phased interpretation, we will analysis the current situation of Sino-Japanese economic and trade cooperation, explore major issues existing between the two countries, and try to advise on the development of economic and trade relations for Sino-Japanese.

During the Qajar period, the Armenians of Iran, as a social group with their own characteristics, had a great influence on the political and economic developments of the country. This community, especially during the Iran-Russia wars, played a vital role due to its geographical location and trade relations. Armenians helped the Qajar government in the wars by creating extensive trade networks and providing financial resources. This research seeks to answer the following questions with a descriptive-analytical approach: 1- What was the role of the Armenians of Iran in providing financial and military resources for the Qajar government in the Iran-Russia wars and how did this role affect the course of the wars? 2- How have Armenians acted as mediators and political advisors in peace negotiations and agreements between Iran and Russia, and what impact have these interactions had on the social and political situation of Armenians in Iran? The findings of the study indicate that Iranian Armenians have acted as a key factor in strengthening the war fronts for the Qajar government by providing financial resources, goods, and manpower, which has had a positive impact on the course of the wars. Armenians, as mediators and political advisors in peace negotiations, have been able to help protect their interests and the Armenian community in Iran by using their mastery of different languages and cultures, and these interactions have led to the strengthening of their cultural and social identity.

As political and trade ties deepen between the European Union (EU) and Southeast Asia, new challenges have surfaced where EU trade laws and extraterritorial regulations intersect with social and environmental concerns. The EU must balance these with the development goals of its interregional partners. Notably, the EU’s sustainable forest policies have strained relations with palm-oil producers like Indonesia and Malaysia. The upcoming 2023 European deforestation-free regulation adds further tension, as its broad scope and benchmarking have sparked opposition in the forest sector. Examining these challenges highlights the existing and significant conflicts raised by the EU’s unilateral approach to climate mitigation. For the sake of the European environmental strategy’s effectiveness, as it extends beyond economic ambitions, it becomes necessary for the Union to develop a joint and suitable cooperation with its partners, to achieve political consensus while limiting trade disruptions in the forest agricultural sector.

Recent political science literature has identified the emergence of a new form of authoritarian regime, in which formal democratic institutions continue to exist but the playing field becomes seriously tilted towards the incumbents. This article offers an interpretation of the recent turn in Hungarian cultural policy in such a competitive authoritarian context. It focuses on state interventions that seek to limit the autonomy of the cultural sphere. They have the following features: 1) the growing significance of nationalist ideology (‘culture wars’), 2) an increasing instrumentalisation of cultural policy, and 3) no clear separation between cultural policy and politics (the emergence of political patronage and the replacement of the former cultural elite). The article explores the means, actors and institutions through which these interventions have occurred and the extent of their success.

This article discusses the political values that shape the political culture among voters outside Kelantan residing in the Klang Valley. Previous studies have shown that voters outside Kelantan are more likely to vote for PAS compared to other political parties, although in general the community in the Klang Valley does not support PAS as in Kelantan. The behavior shown by voters outside Kelantan is very interesting to discuss to find out the most important values in the arrangement of their political culture. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to determine the strength of the relationship between these political values and political culture among voters outside Kelantan living in the Klang Valley. The study involved a total of 403 Malay voters outside Kelantan, aged 21 and above who live in the Klang Valley. The study uses a quantitative approach through a survey method using a questionnaire. Study respondents were selected by purposive and snowball sampling. Descriptive and inferential analyses of the study's data were performed. The results show that voters outside Kelantan place Islamic political values as the most important value in the arrangement of their political culture compared to other political values. Voters outside Kelantan tend to give support because PAS is found to be most in line with their political aspirations that want to uphold Islam as a way of life. The implications of this position of political values cause voters outside Kelantan are expected to continue to support and be a permanent deposit to PAS to remain in power until there is a change in the order of priority of the position of political values in the political culture of voters outside Kelantan.

Nepal and India have trade relations since pre historic age. The pattern of trade between these two countries has not remained same from prehistoric age to the current period. Nepal and British India signed first treaty of commerce in 1st March, 1792. Nepal’s had trade surplus with British India before both the countries signed a treaty of friendship on December 21, 1923 AD. Nepal’s trade deficit with India has been increasing. Nepal introduced country-wise and commodity-wise trade diversification initiatives to raise its export to India and lessen its reliance on India in international trade. Nepal has brought several reformations in trade policies though after 1991 when it liberalized its economy for increasing export and reducing volume of trade deficit. This study compares India-Nepal trade in past before down of democracy in Nepal, in between 1950 to 1990 and after 1990 in order to analyse effects of various trade treaties and policies in Nepal-India trade. It uses historical-analytical method using secondary sources of data to carry out the study. It covers data from 1900 AD to 2020/21. The study finds that various revisions in trade treaties between Nepal and India and trade reformation policies have not been effective in increasing export of Nepal, its trade deficit and dependency in India.

The article focuses on the history of the events of the 18th century related to the development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Sweden. The stages of development of political and economic ties throughout the century are traced. The history of the origin of political and economic relations dates back to the period of the formation of statehood in Russia. According to one version, the Scandinavian tribes were related to the unification of the East Slavic tribes and the formation of the state of Ancient Russia. At that time, foreign trade exchanges were also established. One of the first known trade routes passed through the Baltic Sea, and through the territory of the Russian state. The route went to the Black Sea. It is well-known as the Trade Route from the Varangians to the Greeks. In the Tale of Bygone Years (the oldest Russian chronicle), the Baltic Sea was called the Varangian Sea, and the Scandinavian tribes were called the Varangians. Gradually, Sweden gained a dominant position on the Baltic Sea. The article considers the causes and consequences of military conflicts, their interdependence with economic and trade relations. Based on the scientific literature of various historical periods and the sources, examples of the nature of trade relations between Russia and Sweden are given. The place of these states in international (European) trade is determined. The role of the government policy of both states in the implementation of foreign trade relations is analyzed. The role of the St. Petersburg port in the development of trade with Sweden is indicated. The article provides examples of the participation of private Swedish companies and individual merchants that traded in Russia.

This paper examines the links between Bangkok's smoking skyline and the political and economic aspirations of North Eastern Thais. The author proposes that much of what was at stake during the 2009 and 2010 political upheaval was closely tied to a constricted sense of citizenship apparent in the frustrated political and economic aspirations expressed by North East Thailand's urban poor. Through an ethnographic analysis of the experiences of residents of Khon Kaen's railway communities as they participate in a new housing project, the paper explores the obstacles that poor citizens encounter when they try to ‘become right with the law’ and ‘unite’ in the name of ‘developing’ themselves, their communities, their cities and their nation. In reflecting on the politics of belonging that arise during this project, the author's analysis reveals how hard these citizens work to comply with laws and to take part in national development projects, even when many of those same laws and processes frequently work against them. The author argues that, although coups and mass mobilizations form the most public faces of the current political moment, they simply reflect more pernicious, complex forms of the everyday politics facing poor citizens. Indeed, these frustrated aspirations expose the links between Bangkok's burning shopping malls and the charred provincial government buildings of the North East (Isan). The analysis suggests that the events of 2009 and 2010 were not an uprising against the state, but rather a movement demanding recognition and the opening of the political and economic order to the poor as full citizens.