How Five (Partly True) Myths Can Help Teachers Teach About the Constitution

Abstract

During a casual conversation with a student who had taken several of my undergraduate courses in American poli tics, the student asked, to my dismay, which came first, the Declaration of Independence or one. The one she was referring to was, of course, the U.S. Constitution. Most Americans know of the Constitution's existence (and on good days they can even remember its name), but beyond that, not a lot is generally known. As we approach the 200th anniversary of that other document, it's worth think ing again about how we can help our students better understand it. One way to teach about the Constitu tion is to begin with the popular myth ology that has grown up around the docu ment. In referring to these popular beliefs as myths, I do not mean they are totally false; myths have always pointed to at least a partial truth. For example, one would be hard pressed to find an actual wound from Cupid's arrow, and one would not want to rely solely on the myth of Cupid as a guide to love and marriage. But the story of the blind archer may provide a better beginning point for the study of love than more scientifically rigorous approaches. If we assume that myths provide ex planations or answers, we will be disap pointed; but if we can use myths as a beginning point, to provide questions that provoke debate, we may be able to lead students down the road to a deeper understanding of the subject at hand. Below are five myths I've been able to put to good use. Before turning to the Constitution, however, we must first confront the most pervasive myth about American gov ernment: that its foundation is found in the Declaration of Independence. Americans remember the Declaration because it proclaims their independence and freedom and rejects tyrannical gov ernment. Virtually every American, re gardless of party or ideology, accepts this notion that freedom--understood in the terms of rights--is the legitimate end of our government. While the defi nition of freedom may differ from one part of the ideological spectrum to another, the language of freedom and rights remains constant. The Declara tion is popular because it declares our freedom. The problem is: The Declara tion does not establish a government. In fact, the Declaration's emphasis on the abuse of political power reflects a certain suspicion of government. From liberal fears of the military-industrial complex and invasions of the right to privacy to conservative fears of a large national government's interference in the economy and in local politics, there remains, among most Americans, a common distrust of political power. On one level we know that government is necessary to protect our freedom. On another, we fear that government in