How does phonology guide phonetics in segment– f0 interaction?

Abstract

The phonetics and phonology of consonant– f0 interaction in Shanghai Chinese were examined to further refine our understanding of consonant– f0 interaction in general. Bi-syllabic nouns, which form tone sandhi domains, were elicited within template sentences. These nouns vary in (1) lexical tone of the sandhi domain-initial syllable; (2) laryngeal contrast in the stop onset of the second syllable; and (3) discourse context (i.e., with focus vs. without focus). Results suggest that the interaction of stop onset and f0 in the sandhi domain non-initial syllables in Shanghai Chinese cannot be just attributed to the phonetic implementation of the phonological feature contrast in the language (as suggested by the tone–consonant co-occurrence pattern in tone sandhi domain-initial position), nor can it be due to purely automatic results of consonant production. Rather, the observed f0 perturbation pattern suggests the interaction of both effects. Speakers do voluntarily control their articulatory settings, at least to some extent, so as to enhance the stop contrast. Such voluntary control of articulation is dependent on both tonal and discourse context. Furthermore, complex laryngeal settings, which may not condition categorical co-occurrence patterns between tone and consonant, can nevertheless determine in part patterns of consonant– f0 interaction in the language. Our results also have implications for consonant feature specifications and their phonetic implication in general.