Abstract

The anti-globalization movement is resolutely anti-imperialist, and increasingly says so. It works on issues of economic, political, and cultural justice and autonomy of indigenous people and the Global South, as well as workers and oppressed people in the Global North. Despite this good work, the North American segment of the movement has been harshly criticized by anti-racists within and outside the movement. This paper examines the anti-racist discourse about the movement. It begins with a comprehensive survey of the data available on these issues. The following analysis pursues a number of dimensions, ?nding that movement “framing” by activists as well as outsiders has played a powerful role in alienating anti-racists from the anti-globalization movement, thatanti-racists are not satis?ed by the way in which the anti-globalization movement connects the global and the local, that it is organizing strategy (neither goals nor tactics) that is often a source of con?ict, that this strategic di?erence re?ects assumptions of how empowerment happens and of subjectivities of proto-activists, that the anti-globalization movement’s assumptions are rooted in a white cultural individualism, and that this individualism also explains why countercultural politics are often experienced as exclusionary by activists of colour. The paper concludes by suggesting the use of Massimo deAngelis’ re-articulation of the meanings and practices of responsibility and solidarity in the anti-globalization movement.

Highlights

  • The anti-globalization movement is resolutely anti-imperialist, and increasingly says so

  • The connections are all there...yet many white, middle-class radicals aren’t seeing them.”[48]. Despite some clear cases of white activists failing to make connections,[49] for the most part, an identity-based critique does not hold up. Take on what they see as the daunting task of confronting international racism, the youth sector of the North American anti-globalization movement may be more familiar with Zapatismo than Chicanismo, the U’wa than the Black

  • At the Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Los Angeles, these cultural conflicts obscured a joint concern. Both activists of colour in Direct Action Network (DAN)-LA and anarchists alienated from it were struggling for democracy against what they perceived to be a covert vanguard operating within DAN-LA.[73]

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Summary

Amory Starr

After the November 1999 WTO protests in Seattle, that mobilization and the larger anti-globalization movement were criticized by anti-racists. Their website gathers documents written from the anti-racism/anti-oppression perspective, some of which are published only on the internet but many of which were circulated prior to Colours posting.[14] A conference called “Colours of Resistance,” but not affiliated with the network, was held in Montréal in March 2001 in preparation for the Québec City protests. The network has been instrumental in recent “Global Days of Action” such as j18, n30 and has been credited with conceptualizing both the Seattle protests and the international Independent Media Centers http://www.indymedia.org.[42] Anarchists who participate in anti-globalization are best be characterized by the PGA frame. Anti-racist critics position themselves in the “512 Year Struggle” frame and overlook entirely that many of the movements and activists who they purport to critique are in that frame, or in one of the similar frames—Globalization from Below, PGA, or Northern Convergence

Making the Connections
The Difference is Strategy
Organizing and Empowerment
Prefigurative Cultural Politics
CONCLUSION
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