Abstract
This study tends to identify intents and inclinations that explain low/ high compliance with the codes of provocation/harassment, at the workplace. Despite the reason and the fact that most literature on the subject takes into account the perspective of victims of harassment at workplace, this study prefers to take cross-sectional basis of the offender’s perspective. Studies on matters of harassment are generally prone to potential syndromes such as ‘accuse the victim’ and deliberation by state institutions in under-reporting of crime. Victims of sexual harassment, in most of the cases, don’t tend to share such sensitive information, instantaneously. Generally, past happenings of provocation and harassment are not been disclosed for decades, may be due to ‘social desirability bias’ or due to apprehension of losing job/career, as in most of such cases some senior fellow at the workplace is found involved in such provocation. An in-depth and detailed questionnaire with several sections has been furnished and floated primarily among male counterparts at the workplace, in Pakistan. In order to acquire responses with minimal biases, a counter biasing statement was included as part of the interview, while respondents were deemed assured that their identity and responses won’t be revealed to any other person or institution. In order to be cautious and prudent about the credibility of the proposed study and in ensuring concurrent validity of the analysis, three competing models: Ordered Logit; Ordered Probit; and Robust regression have been estimated. Estimated models, consistently suggested: positive and significant impact of strong neighbourhood effect upon intent of provocation; positive and strong impact of personality trait jealousy; high and significant intent of provocation by persons with high exposure to abuse in form of witnessing or experiencing; while the most interesting finding is that persons with a strong history of abuse in their childhood, especially by their close relatives, develop resentment overtime against provocations, and have high compliance with codes of sexual harassment. Keywords: Sexual harassment, Childhood provocation, Chronic fatigue syndrome, Inter-temporal, Ordered-logit, Ordered-probit, Robust regression.
Highlights
Women in Pakistan generally are seen as deprived and oppressed: they have restrained outreach to civic rights; they are discriminated and humiliated in forms of household disempowerment and domestic violence; they are more prone to maltreatment and provocation at the workplace; last but not the least, they have limited access to the legal enforcement and protectionist’s framework
In traditional societies activities such as farming, hunting and cattle had a predominant share in routine livelihood, so women at the workplace were used to experience some degree of protectionism, as they were used to work with their own family members: brothers, father or with husband
In 2002, AASHA together with the Government of Pakistan began chipping away at building up an approach casing work and working nearly with the ILO and senior Government authorities to address the issue of sexual harassment
Summary
Women in Pakistan generally are seen as deprived and oppressed: they have restrained outreach to civic rights; they are discriminated and humiliated in forms of household disempowerment and domestic violence; they are more prone to maltreatment and provocation at the workplace; last but not the least, they have limited access to the legal enforcement and protectionist’s framework. Females with relatively low educational profiles start participation in manufacturing and in services sectors, sizable cases of harassment at the workplace were witnessed. To avoid the trauma of harassment and its later consequences in form of the high opportunity cost (explicit humiliation and induced vulnerabilities being faced by victims, overtime), family members may restrict or compel their females to participate in the labor force: commonly known as cultural and religious constraints/bottlenecks, been posed by society. In 2002, AASHA together with the Government of Pakistan began chipping away at building up an approach casing work and working nearly with the ILO and senior Government authorities to address the issue of sexual harassment This arrangement was called the Code of Conduct for Gender Justice. Despite the high usefulness of initial studies on Pakistan, most studies neither incorporated the offender’s perspective nor did they estimate the strength of the relationship between causative factors and the intent of compliance/ noncompliance
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