Hierarchy and the search for social equality at the French constituant assembly, 1789–1791

Abstract

Listen

Translate article

If the greatest grief expressed by the Third Estate deputies as they arrived in Versailles in the Spring of 1789 concerned ‘inequality’, was the contrary really what they sought? A country ridden by inequalities of all sorts (administrative, fiscal, economic, judicial), France was far from ever having seriously considered a democratic form of life. ‘Diversity’ is the name Fernand Braudel gives the first chapter of his book, L’ldentitk de la France, due chiefly to the wide geographical area covered by the country from North to South. This territory allows for the many existing micro-economies which the Ancien Regime had not been able to unify. Braudel writes: ‘The Ancien Regime had inherited from the past, pell-mell, disorganization, confusion, institutional variety, administrative incoherence, and often impotence.‘* Glancing at town life, even there Braudel sees each village with its own particular structure, all the ‘theatre of a struggle between several powers’ (communal, seigniorial, royal), each trying to overrule the other. Everywhere ‘above the masses of workers without specialization, above the organization of trade guilds, there is a hierarchy headed by the local elite, no matter who they l~.‘~ It is these elites who come to Versailles: elected in the 445 bailiwicks of France they were the local notables chosen to represent the Third Estate. About threequarters of them were lawyers or holders of royal offices: honourable positions, well esteemed by the majority of voters. Of one accord, they all claim the vote by head which they were expecting to obtain ever since the end of 1788 when the government, under Necker, had proclaimed the doubling of the Third Estate. During the long discussions which took place in May-June 1789, two ways of thinking became apparent: those who attacked the Privileged Orders from below, demanding as their natural rights that reform be pushed through (i.e. the vote by head and the union of the three estates in the National Assembly): LeChapelier, Mirabeau, Rabaut de Saint Etienne, Sieyh. The others wished to persuade the Privileged Orders to give in to their requests on a conciliatory basis (Bergasse, Malouet, Mounier). However, no matter which tactics were given preference, all deputies agreed to hold their meetings with the utmost of legal precautions: no pro&-verbal, no official reporting, no formal procedures which could signify that they were meeting officially as the Third Estate. Fear of reprisals on the part of the government and the forces of order was one reason for their cautious attitude. The king might follow the advice of those who advocated strong measures to keep the revolution at distance. However, an equally strong reason (despite the attitude of the Breton deputies) was to obtain