HEGEMONYA VE SINIF(SIZLIK) BİLİNCİ

Race Consciousness (feelings of loyalty, pride and commitment to one's race) has existed historically among Blacks. Recent economic gains, increases in educational levels and intergenerational mobility have aided in the development of a Black Middle Class. In the Black com munity, today, class differences are prevalent. To date, there is very little systematic research on the relation ship between race consciousness and class consciousness or what determines these two levels of consciousness. Consequently, the present inquiry was an attempt to deter mine the extent to which Blacks in x Southern City were committed to their race and to their social class position. The study focused on relationships between (1) demo graphic and socioeconomic variables and race consciousness (2) behavior patterns, life styles and social status and their relationships to race consciousness (3) race con-sciousness and class consciousness (4) social class and race consciousness. An area stratified random block sample consisting of 102 males and 103 females ranging from eighteen to seventyeight years of age encompassing all economic strata of the Black community in a Southern City was selected for this inquiry. To test the extent to which age, sex, occupation, social class and class consciousness, respectively, affected ix race consciousness, the analysis of variance test (speci fically the General Linear Model) was the statistical test employed in the study. Alternatively, analysis was also made of the extent to which age, sex, social class and occupation affected class consciousness. Our statistical test revealed associations between age and social class with race consciousness-individual orientation. Sex and social class were found to be related to class consciousness. The interaction between age and class consciousness had an effect on race consciousnessindividual orientation and so did the interaction between age and social class. In addition, Blacks (lower class and middle class) were more race conscious than class conscious. As age increased so did the level of race consciousness-individual orienta tion. Lower class individuals expressed higher levels of race consciousness-individual orientation than middle class individuals. Individuals who were highly class conscious expressed low levels of race consciousness-collective orientation, but high levels of race consciousness-indivi dual orientation. Females, lower class individuals and blue collar workers expressed higher levels of class con sciousness than their opposites. The study provided implications for future studies of the Black Middle Class, mainly in the area of Black Middle Class Suburbanization and its affect on intraracial and interracial contact. In addition, the study implies x an area race ve effects trast t for future study by conflict rsus class issue, that is, to race divisions might have on o the effects class divisions theorists lies in the investigate the class unity in conhave on racial unity.

In our paper we are concerned with the constitution of the concept of multitude and its determination as a concept of social class through its formal and philosophical aspects and through its unique ontological, political and economic aspects in contemporary times. Thus, we began with some of the most important conceptual dimensions of the multitude: their dualisms. They are: between power and Power (inherited from Spinoza); between virtue and fortune (Machiavelli's); between living and dead labor (Marx’s); between constituent power and constituted power (torn from the tradition of legal thought). We then develop some aspects essential to the understanding of the multitude as a concept of an effective social class in the contemporary composition of capitalism, such as immaterial labor and real subsumption and biopolitics or bioproduction, which make all life and society the central elements of capital’s valorization. Thus we come across another dualism, that between biopolitics and biopower, which marks the multitude in its most important sense, since this concept is inseparable from the historical analyzes of the transformation of capitalism. Keywords: Multitude. Negri. Biopolitics. Immaterial labor. Living labor

“What’s in the middle”: Scratching beneath the surface of the middle class(es) in Brazil, Côte d’Ivoire, Turkey and Vietnam

‘On the Concept of Social Class’ concerns a key term of modern social theory, that of social class. The conceptual thinking that has emerged in this context typically describes social differentiation as stratification and stratification as social class. As a consequence, the term ‘social class’ is projected back into history, leading to descriptions of ancient cultures as class societies even though the term ‘class society’ is just two hundred years old. This overarching positioning of the term ‘social class’ has led to an overdetermination of this term, which in turn has nearly exhausted its usage. A long semantic tradition seems to have resulted in either theoretical confusion or ideological solidification. As such, the chapter suggests that the term needs to be conceptualized anew to regain a precise theoretical usage, but also to enable a better understanding of the development of the term. It seeks to develop this new conceptualization by looking at the semantic history of the term, which means looking at changes in the structure of society and, here, at the profound structural shift from stratificatory to functional differentiation. This sociohistorical perspective is used in order to understand why the notion of class society appeared in the 1800s and thereby to unravel the specificity of the term and with that the possibility of clearer theoretical usage.

Time intensive parenting has spread in Western countries. This study contributes to the literature on parental time use, aiming to deepen our understanding of the relationship between parental childcare time and social class. Based on time-diary data (2010–2011) from Norway, and a concept of social class that links parents’ amount and composition of economic and cultural capital, we examine the time spent by parents on childcare activities. The analysis shows that class and gender intersect: intensive motherhood, as measured by time spent on active childcare, including developmental childcare activities thought to stimulate children's skills, is practised by all mothers. A small group of mothers in the economic upper-middle class fraction spend even more time on childcare than the other mothers. The time fathers spend on active childcare is less than mothers’, and intra-class divisions are notable. Not only lower-middle class fathers, but also cultural/balanced upper-middle class fathers spend the most time on intensive fathering. Economic upper-middle and working-class fathers spend the least time on childcare. This new insight into class patterns in parents’ childcare time challenges the widespread notion of different cultural childcare logics in the middle class, compared to the working class.

The Problem Regarding the relation between status inconsistency and attitude, there have been reports on findings which are contradictory to each other. One is the finding which substantiates that status inconsistency affects one's political attitude, voting behavior, class consciousness, etc. ; the other denies the above relation between status inconsistency and political attitude, etc. The paper deals whit the issue of how status inconsistency is substantially related to class consciousness in Japanese society. Class consciousness consists of various aspects, consequently, its relation with status inconsistency should be considered separately with regard to each aspect. Sensitivity for class structure, one of the aspects of class consciousness, is presumed to have direct connection with status inconsistency while preference for change in existing class structure dose not seem to be necessarily connected with status inconsistency. Findings Following is the result of the research made on male adults living in Tokyo. As to class existence, more people in the status inconsistency group than in the consistency group have replied that class does exist. However, there have been no definite trends regarding patterns of class structure. As to class identification, less people in the former group than in the latter identified themselves with middle class. As to drift of change in the class structure, many in the status inconsistency group replied that society should be improved with the effort of each individual, and those against socialism were seen more in the inconsistency group than in the consistency group. As to political party, more people in the inconsistency group than in the consistency group expressed their support for Liberal Democratic Party. Conclusion People in the status inconsistency group are more sensitive for class structure and their own status than those in the consistency group. This seems to result from the facts that people in the status inconsistency group have contacts with people in various classes and/or that the former are destined to notice the discrepancy between their neighbors' norm and their own status. However, people in the status inconsistency group were rather conservative as to changing the existing class structure. It may be said that radical attitude is not the only reaction they can take but just one of the alternatives in various reactions.

In the last two decades there have been several social changes, such as the rise of industries based on sharia provisions from banking products, cosmetics, as well as Sharia tourism. Along with this growth, there have also been changes in attitudes and lifestyles such as the widespread use of the hijab which is often called the hijab revolution. This does not only occur in the lower economic class but also in the middle economic class. The economic lifestyle of the Muslim middle class also affects the demand for halal products. This paper aims to explain the relationship between the lifestyle of the Muslim economic middle class and its relationship with the opportunities for the halal tourism industry in Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative with a literature study and a descriptive approach. The results of this study are the relationship between middle class status, lifestyle and sharia products in Indonesia is very close. Halal tourism is also part of an industry that seeks to capture the opportunities generated by this market. Seeing the relationship between the middle class and the opportunities possessed by Halal Tourism is very large, and in the future it is expected that various industries that support sharia tourism will emerge, from lodging, restaurants, to various types of culinary delights that adapt to the needs of the Muslim middle class, which is always growing from year to year.

This study was conducted to understand the infant (0-12 month) feeding practices among different classes' mothers in Dhaka city. The study was carried out among the 183 mother-infant pair of the upper, middle and lower socio-economic classes in Dhaka city and purposive sampling method was applied. The study was conducted at following areas in Dhaka city which were selected purposively. The mean age of upper class, middle class and lower class were 35±4, 25±3 and 21±7 in years. Regarding first feeding it was observed that upper (75%), middle (85%) and lower class (48%) first gave colostrum. It also observed that 18% of upper class mother first gave powder milk, while in case of middle class it was 5%. In lower class preference of giving honey and sugar water were 21% and 12% respectively. The starting time of breast feeding indicated that in upper classes (74%) breast feeding initiated within one hour, while in middle (75%) and lower classes (84%) it was given within 12 hours. It was highlighted that 44% upper and 36% lower class mothers started complementary feeding at 3 month of the baby respectively, while in middle class 61% mother started complementary foods at 5 month of their baby. In case of duration of breast feeding practices, middle and lower classes breast-feed continued longer time than upper class. Majorities of the upper class prefered egg, soup, fruit juice while middle class liked meat-fish, egg, khichuri, fruits. On complementary feeding the lower class choiced mainly rice-potato, dal, khichuri or vegetables. The study result should not be generalise and need further large scale research. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/akmmcj.v5i2.21124 Anwer Khan Modern Medical College Journal Vol. 5, No. 2: July 2014, Pages 5-8

There has been a paucity of cross-national studies of earnings inequality. This is unfortunate, since the ways that individual characteristics and work structures influence earnings are likely to be heavily dependent on the institutional frameworks of different countries. This paper investigates how work structures affect the earnings of labor force members in the United States and Norway. Our analysis—based on data collected as part of the cross-national ‘Class Structure and Class Consciousness’ project—suggests that both structural and individual variables are needed to account for the generation of economic inequality. Moreover, while some work structures affect earnings similarly in the two countries, there are notable differences. For example, our results suggest that earnings are more standardized in Norway, as wage gains made by organized workers ‘spill over’ to those in unorganized sectors. In particular, union membership is less strongly related to earnings among Norwegian as compared to U.S. men; and there are greater differences in earnings among occupational groups for men in the U.S.

The middle class in the Republic of Korea grew quickly in the course of the country's rapid economic growth. This paper analyzes the characteristics of Korea's new and old middle classes by examining the socioeconomic conditions, experience of mobility, and social consciousness of the people in these classes Analysis shows that many people presently in these well‐off classes have experienced intra‐ and intergenerational mobility. While the old middle class is greatly open to both inter‐ and intragenerational inflow, the new middle class is close to intragenerational inflow. The probability of reaching the new middle class is greatly affected by one's level of education, however, education level largely depends on one's class origin. It is also shown that the Korean new middle class has a comparatively progressive social consciousness. However, people's political attitudes are determined not by one's position in the class structure but by nonclass factors, such as one's age, education level, and native region.

Trends in social inequality in physical inactivity among Danish adolescents 1991–2014

Recent Marxist writers, such as Poulantzas, Carchedi and Wright, have broken with the traditional Marxist orthodoxy in attempting to deal theoretically with the class placement of propertyless non-manual employees (or the 'new middle class ) rather than just dismissing the group as a transitory phenomenon destined to disappear in the face of increasing proletarianization.l Though these works differ from one another on other points, they share one common characteristic: they attempt to locate various positions (occupations) in terms of their objective interest in the maintenance or destruction of the capitalist system. By implication, these analyses would seem to locate the objective interest in the class struggle of the individuals who occupy these positions. This in turn would appear to give the analyst the key to a theory of class action and class consciousness. In fact, the divisions in the class structure identified in these works do not coincide with empirically identifiable divisions in the consciousness of people located in various positions in the class structure. Thus, they do not provide a satisfactory theory of the general problem of class formation, class consciousness and class action. To rephrase the problem at hand: how does the structure of inequality in advanced capitalist society give rise to the formation of a few identifiable cohesive social groups which can be seen as 'actors' in historical developments and current struggles and in terms of which such developments and struggles can be analysed. The purpose of this article is to provide both a general theory of class formation and class consciousness in advanced capitalist societies and also a number of specific hypotheses about the causes of cross-national variations in working-class consciousness. In addition, I will present some empirical material for the cases of Britain and Sweden providing evidence in support of some of the hypothesized relationships. Elsewhere I have developed a general theory of the distribution of control and consumption based on the works of Marxists such as Wright and Carchedi as well as those of others such as Giddens. 2 Before moving on to the problem of class formation, it is necessary to summarize very briefly our view on the structure of inequality. In Carchedi's view, the

The British Journal of SociologyVolume 60, Issue 1 p. 169-176 A comment on ‘Operationalizing Max Weber's probability concept of class situation: the concept of social class’ by Ken Smith Jane Elliott, Jane ElliottSearch for more papers by this authorShirley Dex, Shirley DexSearch for more papers by this author Jane Elliott, Jane ElliottSearch for more papers by this authorShirley Dex, Shirley DexSearch for more papers by this author First published: 13 March 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2008.01223.xCitations: 1 email: [email protected] Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume60, Issue1March 2009Pages 169-176 RelatedInformation

Background:It is widely accepted that there are socioeconomic inequalities in oral health. A socioeconomic gradient is found in a range of clinical and self-reported oral health outcomes.Aim:The present study was conducted to assess the differences in oral hygiene practices among patients from different socioeconomic status (SES) visiting the Outpatient Department of the Sudha Rustagi College of Dental Sciences.Materials and Methods:A cross-sectional survey was conducted from June to October 2014 to assess the effect of SES on the oral hygiene habits. The questionnaire included the questions related to the demographic profile and assessment of the oral hygiene habits of the study population.Results:Toothbrush and toothpaste were being used significantly (P < 0.05) more by lower middle class (84.4%) and upper middle class (100.0%). A significantly higher frequency of cleaning teeth (twice a day) was reported among the lower middle class (17.2%) and upper middle class (21.5%). The majority (34.3%) of the study population changed their toothbrush once in 3 months. The cleaning of tongue was reported by patients belonging to the upper middle (62.0%), lower middle (52.1%), and upper lower class (30.0%). The use of tongue cleaner was reported to be significantly (P < 0.05) more among upper middle (10.1%) class patients. A significantly higher number of patients from the lower class (81.3%) never visited a dentist.Conclusion:The oral hygiene practices of the patients from upper and lower middle class was found to be satisfactory whereas it was poor among patients belonging to lower and upper lower class.

Discussion of class, of 'class interests' and 'class conflict' is currently a major preoccupation not only of academic writers in sociology and politics but also of many journalists and politicians. Reading the articles in llewspapers and weekly journals it is hard to recall how only a few years ago the use of class analysis was derided, the concept dismissed by many as archaic and inappropriate in any consideration of Britain in the sixtics. The last three or four years have seen a remarkable change. Quite suddenly we find that alongside the neoMarxian focus on class conflict there has appeared a remarkable willingness to talk of 'class' among those who oppose and disparage Marxism. The language of class has acquired a new legitimacy and we now find M.P.s like John Gorst scorning the sensibilities of fellow parliamentarians who 'talk of socio-economic groups, or B, CI and C2 consumer categories, and ... blush when you mention middle class. They can't call a spade a spade any more. . . '1 Gorst and a number of other politicians on the right have tried to overcome the traditional reticence of many non-manual workers to specify and make public their 'class' interests, and in so doing they have given many current political debates a new sharpness. It appears to these mobilizers of opinion that the time has come to arouse the consciousness of the 'middle class', to declare opposition to the blue collar unions and to Labour governments; to stake the claims of the self-employed, the professionals, the managers and others with white collars to (as they see it) a fairer share of the goods and resources in society. Ariicles in print and on radio and television broadcast the message that 'the middle class' or 'middle classes' have had enough. For instance in a recent newspaper piece we find the assertion that: