Abstract

In response to lack of access to healthy foods, many low-income communities are instituting local healthy corner store programs. Some stores also participate in the United States Department of Agriculture's Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). This study used two assessment tools to compare the healthfulness of offerings at stores participating in local healthy store programs (upgraded stores), WIC, and/or SNAP to that of similar non-participating stores.Based on store audits conducted in 315 New Jersey corner stores in 2014, we calculated healthy food availability scores using subsections of the Nutrition Environment Measures Survey for Corner Stores (NEMS-CS-Availability) and a short-form corner store audit tool (SCAT). We used multivariable regression to examine associations between program participation and scores on both instruments.Adjusting for store and block group characteristics, stores participating in a local healthy store program had significantly higher SCAT scores than did non-participating stores (upgraded: M = 3.18, 95% CI 2.65–3.71; non-upgraded: M = 2.52, 95% CI 2.32–2.73); scores on the NEMS-CS-Availability did not differ (upgraded: M = 12.8, 95% CI 11.6–14.1; non-upgraded: M = 12.5, 95% CI 12.0–13.0). WIC-participating stores had significantly higher scores compared to non-participating stores on both tools. Stores participating in SNAP only (and not in WIC) scored significantly lower on both instruments compared to non-SNAP stores.WIC-participating and non-SNAP corner stores had higher healthfulness scores on both assessment tools. Upgraded stores had higher healthfulness scores compared to non-upgraded stores on the SCAT.

Highlights

  • Efforts to combat the rise in obesity rates in the US have resulted in a close examination of the role of the food environment, including the availability of healthy foods across localities (Escaron et al, 2013; Gittelsohn et al, 2014; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015; Larson et al, 2013; Ohri-Vachaspati et al, 2013; Rimkus et al.,☆ No financial disclosures were reported by the authors of this paper ⁎ Corresponding author.2015; Zenk et al, 2014)

  • Low-income and minority residents often suffer from obesity at higher rates than do higher income, non-minority residents, and as such, consideration of the food environment as it pertains to these higher risk groups is a priority

  • Corner stores stock a greater proportion of energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods, combined with fewer fresh fruits and vegetables (FV), whole grains, and low-fat dairy than do supermarkets (Laska et al, 2010; Borradaile et al, 2009)

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Summary

Introduction

Efforts to combat the rise in obesity rates in the US have resulted in a close examination of the role of the food environment, including the availability of healthy foods across localities (Escaron et al, 2013; Gittelsohn et al, 2014; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015; Larson et al, 2013; Ohri-Vachaspati et al, 2013; Rimkus et al.,☆ No financial disclosures were reported by the authors of this paper ⁎ Corresponding author.2015; Zenk et al, 2014). Efforts to combat the rise in obesity rates in the US have resulted in a close examination of the role of the food environment, including the availability of healthy foods across localities Recent data show that lowincome and high-minority communities have an abundance of small retail food stores such as convenience and corner stores, but frequently lack supermarkets (Powell et al, 2007; Moore & Roux, 2006). Low-income, high-minority neighborhoods often have limited access to healthy foods. A few evaluations have compared corner stores involved in healthy initiatives to stores that are not (Song et al, 2009; Ayala et al, 2013)

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