Abstract

In 2005, Her Majesty's Inspector of Constabularies, Sir Denis O'Connor, reported that structural change to the existing system of 43 forces in England and Wales was necessary, not just desirable (HMIC, 2005). He stated, “Re-configuring for better protection of, and connection with, the public, needs to be seen as part of a package of police reform for this century” (HMIC, 2005, p. 12). He was referring to the merging of smaller forces to make them “fit for purpose”. In 2006, following the recommendations of the report, Home Secretary Charles Clarke took steps to begin a process of merging forces to drive efficiency and effectiveness in protective security. This strategic approach would have seen the number of forces reduced from 43 to 17, but it encountered significant opposition from many of the existing Police Authorities, sufficient to stop it happening (BBC, 2006). In 2011, the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 replaced existing Police Authorities with the current system of elected Police and Crime Commissioners (PCC), which enabled leadership, local priority setting and operational management of police, as well as new partnerships within many force areas. It also led to Home Office direction being largely limited to the Strategic Policing Requirement (SPR). As the 43-force structure continues, a collaborative approach is ever more necessary, and efforts have been focused on sharing specialist capabilities across forces (Regional Organised Crime Units being one such example). But is this sufficient for policing to keep apace of the changes threatening the safety and security of the public? The COVID-19 pandemic has shone a light on the operational effectiveness of the 43-force structure. This paper will examine the challenge to a system, which the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) called “broken” in 2018 (HASC, 2018), through the lens of the COVID-19 pandemic, and discuss whether the public health crisis has accelerated the drive towards further policing reforms and even a national police organisation. The question will be considered within the context of national coordination arising from the pandemic, the impact on police legitimacy and lessons learnt from the unified policing models introduced in Scotland and the Netherlands in 2013.

Highlights

  • An unprecedented situation that poses an urgent threat to public health and safety

  • As many civilians started working from home, the police were asked to deal with suspects and victims who potentially had COVID19, often without adequate personal protective equipment (PPE)

  • National Police Coordination Centre (NPoCC) has been responsible during the pandemic for ensuring that national specialist skills coverage has been maintained across forces in line with the Home Office Strategic Policing Requirement (SPR), Part B of which is the National Policing Requirement (NPR)

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Summary

Introduction

An unprecedented situation that poses an urgent threat to public health and safety. It has put the police in the position of dealing with challenges they have never faced before, which they are having to navigate with sensitivity and diligence. Simon Williams (Acting Director of New Zealand’s Evidence Based Policing Centre) (2020) explained how the NDD, which is used mainly to monitor both actual and projected service demand across a number of policing responsibilities, such as disorder, family harm, mental health, road policing, and theft-related crime, was adapted to include COVID-19 related demand. This enabled police leaders to formulate a national response in terms of operational decision-making and resource deployment

Police legitimacy
Operation Talla
Case study
The national policing vision
Integrated technology
Specialist skills
Changing crime methods
Findings
Conclusion
Full Text
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