Abstract

AbstractIn the paper we argue against the traditional assumption about the relationship between morphology and harmony in Hungarian according to which monomorphemic and polymorphemic (suffixed) forms behave in the same way harmonically within the domain of harmony. We show that the harmonic properties of the root are inherited by morphologically complex forms based on the root and this can override the phonological restrictions on harmony. We propose an Optimality Theory analysis of the interaction between the phonological constraints on harmony and the paradigm uniformity constraint Harmonic Uniformity.

Highlights

  • In the paper we argue against the traditional assumption about the relationship between morphology and harmony in Hungarian according to which monomorphemic and polymorphemic forms behave in the same way harmonically within the domain of harmony

  • T€orkenczy 2011; Rebrus et al 2012)2 and are not always categorical (e.g. “compoundness” may be gradient) and this can influence harmonic behaviour (Rebrus & T€orkenczy 2017a), and (b) within the harmonic domain the harmonic properties of the root are inherited by morphologically complex forms based on the root and this can even override the phonological restrictions on harmony such as the Height Effect, the Count Effect and the Polysyllabic Split, see Section 2

  • In this paper we have argued against the traditional assumption of the role of morphology in Hungarian front/back harmony

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

Acta Linguistica Academica 68 (2021) 1–2, 175–206 forms behave in the same way harmonically within the domain of harmony as identified in (i) above (e.g. Siptar & T€orkenczy 2000). The relationship between Hungarian vowel harmony (HVH) and morphology is more complex than what is traditionally assumed: (a) domain boundaries that different phenomena refer to tend not to coincide (cf T€orkenczy 2011; Rebrus et al 2012) and are not always categorical “compoundness” may be gradient) and this can influence harmonic behaviour (Rebrus & T€orkenczy 2017a), and (b) within the harmonic domain the harmonic properties of the root are inherited by morphologically complex forms based on the root and this can even override the phonological restrictions on harmony such as the Height Effect, the Count Effect and the Polysyllabic Split, see Section 2.

BACKGROUND
Transparency and the Height Effect
Transparency and the Count Effect
Antiharmony and the Polysyllabic Split
HARMONIC UNIFORMITY
Harmonic Uniformity and antiharmony
Interim summary
ANALYSIS
Transparency and opacity
Vacillation: the Count Effect and the Height Effect
Harmonic Uniformity
Some violations of Harmonic Uniformity
SUMMARY
Full Text
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