HaRePo (harm reduction by post): an innovative and effective harm reduction programme for people who use drugs using email, telephone, and post service

COVID-19 vulnerability among people who use drugs: recommendations for global public health programmes and policies.

BackgroundHarm reduction services to people who use drugs (PWUD) in Russia are insufficient in terms of quantity, government endorsement, and accessibility. The situation has recently deteriorated even further because of social distancing measures of the COVID-19 pandemic. Recently several harm reduction organizations have started to provide some harm reduction services via online platforms by web outreach. However, little is known on how online outreach services are organized and implemented. Drawing on the example of St. Petersburg-based NGO “Humanitarian Action” we explored web outreach work in Telegram instant messenger.Methods4 semi-structured interviews with the NGO staff and 301 cases of web outreach work with PWUD comprised the dataset. The process of web outreach, service provision to PWUD, and PWUD’s needs were thematically analyzed.ResultsThree stages of the process of web outreach work were determined: clients initiating communication, NGO workers addressing clients’ needs, and NGO workers receiving clients’ feedback. Communication proceeded either in group chat or in direct messages. Challenges in addressing clients’ needs happened when clients turned for help in nighttime, sent recorded voice messages, sent unclear messages, and/or were unwilling to transition to telephone communication. All web outreach workers reported receiving only positive feedback on their work. PWUD’s needs were categorized into two major themes, depending on whether they can be addressed fully or partially online. In cases of online only provision of services, web outreach workers helped PWUD treat minor injection drug use complications, obtain verified harm reduction information and receive general psychological support. In instances of partial online services provision, PWUD were assisted in getting treatment of severe injection drug use complications, overdoses, and in accessing offline medical, psychological, social, legal and harm reduction services.ConclusionsOur research demonstrated that web outreach work is a convenient tool for delivering some harm reduction services to PWUD either partially or completely online and recruiting new clients (including hard-to-reach PWUD that avoid attending brick-and-mortar facilities). It indicates that harm reduction organizations should consider incorporating online harm reduction services into their activities. However, more research is needed to explore relative advantages and disadvantages of online harm reduction services delivery.

BackgroundPopular perception of people who sell drugs is negative, with drug selling framed as predatory and morally reprehensible. In contrast, people who use drugs (PWUD) often describe positive perceptions of the people who sell them drugs. The “Satellite Sites” program in Toronto, Canada, provides harm reduction services in the community spaces where people gather to buy, use, and sell drugs. This program hires PWUD—who may move into and out of drug selling—as harm reduction workers. In this paper, we examine the integration of people who sell drugs directly into harm reduction service provision, and their practices of care with other PWUD in their community.MethodsData collection included participant observation within the Satellite Sites over a 7-month period in 2016–2017, complemented by 20 semi-structured interviews with Satellite Site workers, clients, and program supervisors. Thematic analysis was used to examine practices of care emerging from the activities of Satellite Site workers, including those circulating around drug selling and sharing behaviors.ResultsSatellite Site workers engage in a variety of practices of care with PWUD accessing their sites. Distribution of harm reduction equipment is more easily visible as a practice of care because it conforms to normative framings of care. Criminalization, coupled with negative framings of drug selling as predatory, contributes to the difficultly in examining acts of mutual aid and care that surround drug selling as practices of care. By taking seriously the importance for PWUD of procuring good quality drugs, a wider variety of practices of care are made visible. These additional practices of care include assistance in buying drugs, information on drug potency, and refusal to sell drugs that are perceived to be too strong.ConclusionOur results suggest a potential for harm reduction programs to incorporate some people who sell drugs into programming. Taking practices of care seriously may remove some barriers to integration of people who sell drugs into harm reduction programming, and assist in the development of more pertinent interventions that understand the key role of drug buying and selling within the lives of PWUD.

BackgroundHarm reduction services to people who use drugs (PWUD) in Russia are insufficient in terms of quantity, government endorsement, and accessibility. The situation has recently deteriorated even further because of social distancing measures of the COVID-19 pandemic. Several organizations have started to provide some harm reduction services via online platforms by web outreach. However, little is known on how online outreach services are organized and implemented. Drawing on the example of St. Petersburg-based NGO “Humanitarian Action,” we explored web outreach work in Telegram instant messenger.MethodsOur data were comprised of 4 semi-structured interviews with the NGO staff and 301 cases of web outreach work with PWUD. We used thematic analysis to study the process of web outreach, harm reduction service provision, and needs of PWUD.ResultsThree stages of the process of web outreach work were identified: clients initiating communication, NGO workers addressing clients’ needs, and NGO workers receiving clients’ feedback. Communication proceeded in group chat or direct messages. Challenges in addressing clients’ needs happened when clients turned for help after hours, sent recorded voice messages, sent unclear messages, and/or were unwilling to transition to telephone communication. All web outreach workers reported receiving only positive feedback on their work. The needs of PWUD were categorized into two major themes, depending on whether they can be addressed fully or partially online. In cases of online only provision of services, web outreach workers helped PWUD treat minor injection drug use complications, obtain verified harm reduction information and receive general psychological support. In instances of partial online services provision, PWUD were assisted in getting treatment of severe injection drug use complications, overdoses, and in accessing offline medical, psychological, social, legal and harm reduction services.ConclusionsOur research demonstrated that web outreach work is a convenient tool for delivering some harm reduction services to PWUD either partially or completely online and for recruiting new clients (including hard-to-reach PWUD that avoid attending brick-and-mortar facilities). Harm reduction organizations should consider incorporating online harm reduction services into their activities. However, further research is needed to explore relative advantages and disadvantages of online harm reduction services.

<p>As harm reduction programs and services proliferate, people who use drugs (PWUD) are increasingly subjected to surveillance through the collection of their personal information, systematic observation, and other means. The data generated from these practices are frequently repurposed across various institutional sites for clinical, evaluative, epidemiological, and administrative uses. Rationales provided for increased surveillance include the more effective provision of care, service optimization, risk stratification, and efficiency in resource allocation. With this in mind, our reflective essay draws on empirical analysis of work within harm reduction services and movements to reflect critically on the impacts and implications of surveillance expansion. While we argue that many surveillance practices are not inherently problematic or harmful, the unchecked expansion of surveillance under a banner of health and harm reduction may contribute to decreased uptake of services, rationing and conditionalities tied to service access, the potential deepening of health disparities amongst some PWUD, and an overlay of health and criminal-legal systems. In this context, surveillance relies on the enlistment of a range of therapeutic actors and reflects the permeable boundary between care and control. We thus call for a broader critical dialogue within harm reduction on the problems and potential impacts posed by surveillance in service settings, the end to data sharing of health information with law enforcement and other criminal legal actors, and deference to the stated need among PWUD for meaningful anonymity when accessing harm reduction and health services. </p>

<p>As harm reduction programs and services proliferate, people who use drugs (PWUD) are increasingly subjected to surveillance through the collection of their personal information, systematic observation, and other means. The data generated from these practices are frequently repurposed across various institutional sites for clinical, evaluative, epidemiological, and administrative uses. Rationales provided for increased surveillance include the more effective provision of care, service optimization, risk stratification, and efficiency in resource allocation. With this in mind, our reflective essay draws on empirical analysis of work within harm reduction services and movements to reflect critically on the impacts and implications of surveillance expansion. While we argue that many surveillance practices are not inherently problematic or harmful, the unchecked expansion of surveillance under a banner of health and harm reduction may contribute to decreased uptake of services, rationing and conditionalities tied to service access, the potential deepening of health disparities amongst some PWUD, and an overlay of health and criminal-legal systems. In this context, surveillance relies on the enlistment of a range of therapeutic actors and reflects the permeable boundary between care and control. We thus call for a broader critical dialogue within harm reduction on the problems and potential impacts posed by surveillance in service settings, the end to data sharing of health information with law enforcement and other criminal legal actors, and deference to the stated need among PWUD for meaningful anonymity when accessing harm reduction and health services. </p>

BackgroundHarm reduction services and professionals have had to reorganise and adapt to COVID-19 prevention measures while still ensuring health and social services for people who use drugs (PUD).ObjectiveTo assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on PUD and on the professionals who provide harm reduction services.MethodsA qualitative, exploratory, multicentre design was used. Two focus groups were held with harm reduction professionals, and 40 individual semi-structured interviews were undertaken with PUD in various harm reduction services in Catalonia. Interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed and analysed using thematic content analysis.ResultsHarm reduction services adapted to the pandemic situation by employing methods such as reducing opening hours and closing drop in areas, along with health protection measures such as access control, which in turn led to stress among both professionals and service users. Despite the changes implemented, PUD continued to have access to sterile drug use equipment and methadone treatment. In addition, those who were not in treatment were able to access it rapidly. Regarding their emotional state, the PUD reported that it was worse during the pandemic than before the lockdown, with women affected to a greater extent than men. The harm reduction professionals reported difficulties in managing service users’ compliance with the security measures at the beginning of the lockdown and having had to focus primarily on providing food and shelter for the PUD.ConclusionsIt is important to keep PUD in mind and maintain a harm reduction perspective when implementing confinement measures in situations such as those experienced during the COVID pandemic. Guaranteeing that PUD have their basic needs such as food, hygiene and shelter covered is key.

As harm reduction programs and services proliferate, people who use drugs (PWUD)are increasingly subjected to surveillance through the collection of theirpersonal information, systematic observation, and other means. The datagenerated from these practices are frequently repurposed across variousinstitutional sites for clinical, evaluative, epidemiological, andadministrative uses. Rationales provided for increased surveillance include themore effective provision of care, service optimization, risk stratification, andefficiency in resource allocation. With this in mind, our reflective essay drawson empirical analysis of work within harm reduction services and movements toreflect critically on the impacts and implications of surveillance expansion.While we argue that many surveillance practices are not inherently problematicor harmful, the unchecked expansion of surveillance under a banner of health andharm reduction may contribute to decreased uptake of services, rationing andconditionalities tied to service access, the potential deepening of healthdisparities amongst some PWUD, and an overlay of health and criminal-legalsystems. In this context, surveillance relies on the enlistment of a range oftherapeutic actors and reflects the permeable boundary between care and control.We thus call for a broader critical dialogue within harm reduction on theproblems and potential impacts posed by surveillance in service settings, theend to data sharing of health information with law enforcement and othercriminal legal actors, and deference to the stated need among PWUD formeaningful anonymity when accessing harm reduction and health services.

BackgroundSocial work with people who use drugs (PWUD) has traditionally focused on abstinence and rehabilitation. In recent years, harm reduction has gained an increasingly more important role in social work with PWUD, and social workers are key professionals in many harm reduction services. This study investigates how social workers in harm reduction services for PWUD in Sweden understand the concept of harm reduction and how it relates to goals of rehabilitation, and how they assess and deal with dilemmas and challenges in everyday work.MethodsThe study is based on interviews with 22 social workers in harm reduction services for PWUD in the Scania region of Sweden. A thematic analysis in three steps was used in coding and processing the data.ResultsThe social workers pointed to similar values between social work and harm reduction and argued for combining the two fields to improve services for PWUD. Three overarching principles for Harm Reduction Social Work (HRSW) were developed based on the social workers accounts: (1) Harm reduction is a prerequisite for rather than a counterpoint to rehabilitation and recovery, (2) motivational work must be non-mandatory and based on the client’s goals, (3) a holistic perspective is crucial for Harm Reduction Social Work. Challenges in doing HRSW concerned restrictive laws, policies, and guidelines, resistance from managers, difficulties in setting boundaries between client autonomy and life-saving interventions, and the risk of normalizing high-risk behaviors.ConclusionsWe use the concept of Harm Reduction Social Work to show how social work with PWUD can have a primary focus on reducing harm and risks, while at the same time it involves a holistic perspective that facilitates motivation and change. The suggested principles of HRSW can provide guidance in practical social work with vulnerable PWUD. Social workers can have important roles in most harm reduction settings and may act to enable recovery.

From drug prohibition to regulation: a public health imperative

Access to appropriate oral healthcare is vital for overall health and well-being. However, people who use drugs (PWUD) often face significant barriers in accessing oral healthcare services. This qualitative study focused on exploring the perspectives of public oral health service providers and harm reduction workers to understand the barriers that they perceived were experienced by PWUD in accessing oral healthcare and identified potential strategies to address these barriers. Thirty-five participants (20 public oral health service providers and 15 harm reduction workers) were recruited from both metropolitan and regional areas of Victoria, Australia, through purposive sampling and a snowballing technique. Individual online semi-structured interviews were conducted, and data were analysed using a hybrid approach to thematic analysis. Service providers felt that continuous drug use impacted PWUD's ability to perceive dental pain, which delayed identification of oral health symptoms at the individual level. Major life crises meant that PWUD had limited awareness about the oral health consequences of their drug use, which further hindered their access to care. Service providers described how negative experiences and perceived judgements by PWUD about the visual effects of drugs created barriers to accessing dental care. Triggers of memories of traumatic abuse associated with the dental environments were also identified as a distressing factor for PWUD. Perceived service-level barriers included the lack of explicit recognition of PWUD as eligible for priority access in public dental clinics, financial impediments and coercive tactics from some oral health service providers. Service providers with experience of working in rural areas shared how the lack of anonymity and the risk of being identified as a drug user was an additional challenge for PWUD in accessing oral health services in rural areas. The participants proposed several potential strategies including drop-in oral health sessions at harm reduction facilities involving case managers to address appointment issues and training oral health service providers in trauma-informed care. They emphasised the need for interprofessional collaboration between oral health and harm reduction sectors. One key recommendation proposed by the participants was to establish oral health integrated harm reduction programmes that require careful consideration of feasibility, acceptability, resource allocation and potential implications on service quality. This study highlighted previously unrecognised perceived barriers by service providers working with PWUD that could impact the implementation of any interventions that aim to improve access to dental services by PWUD. By addressing the individual and service level barriers comprehensively, healthcare systems can better address the oral health needs of PWUD and reduce disparities in access to care.

BackgroundThis study examines the effects of COVID-19 related restrictions on the supply of illicit drugs, drug-use behaviour among people who use drugs (PWUD) regularly (at least weekly), and drug-related service provision in Tbilisi, Georgia.MethodologyIn this mixed methods study, a cohort of 50 Georgian PWUD recruited through a snow-ball sampling participated in a bi-weekly online survey in April–September, 2020. They also took part in the qualitative telephone interviews at 12- and 24-week follow-up time points. In addition, four key informants (field experts) were interviewed monthly to assess their perceptions of changes in the illicit drug market and drug service delivery.ResultsMean age in the sample was 36 (range 18–60); 39 (78%) were males. Perceived availability of drugs was reduced during the lockdown, and many PWUD switched to alternative substances when preferred drugs were not available. On average, participants used significantly fewer substances over the course of the study, from 3.5 substances in the preceding 14 days to 2.1 (aOR 0.92; 95% CI 0.90–0.94). Consumption of cannabis products declined significantly (aOR 0.89; 95% CI 0.84–0.95), likewise alcohol (aOR 0.94; 95% CI 0.88–1.0), diverted medicinal methadone (aOR 0.85; 95% CI 0.8–0.9) and diverted medicinal buprenorphine (aOR 0.91; 95% CI 0.84–0.99). PWUD cited fewer contacts with drug dealers, the lack of transportation, and the lack of conventional recreational environment as the main reasons for these changes. When access to sterile injection equipment was limited, PWUD exercised risk-containing injection behaviours, such as buying drugs in pre-filled syringes (aOR 0.88; 95% CI 0.80–0.96). Harm reduction and treatment programs managed to adopt flexible strategies to recover services that were affected during the initial stage of the pandemic.ConclusionsCOVID-19-related restrictive measures mediated specific changes in supply models and drug-use behaviours. While adjusting to the new environment, many PWUD would engage in activities that put them under increased risk of overdose and blood-borne infections. Harm reduction and treatment services need to develop and implement protocols for ensuring uninterrupted service delivery during lockdowns, in anticipation of the similar epidemics or other emergency situations.

Harm reduction is a public health approach that emphasizes reducing the negative effects of drug use rather than eliminating it. It has been practiced for decades; however, the COVID-19 pandemic poses new challenges for people who use drugs (PWUD) and harm reduction providers. In the United States, public health recommendations to curb the pandemic are complicating harm reduction efforts. Harm reduction programs are rethinking how they engage with PWUD to comply with these recommendations while also providing essential services. In this article, we draw on academic literature, news articles, and information distributed by harm reduction programs to discuss issues currently faced by PWUD and harm reduction providers across the country. This discussion focuses on policy changes and programming adaptations related to three harm reduction interventions—syringe services programs, overdose prevention, and medications for opioid use disorder—that have emerged or gained traction during the pandemic. We argue that anthropologists should play a key role in addressing the obstacles and opportunities for harm reduction in the United States during and post-pandemic. Ethnographic research can generate important knowledge of how pandemic-related service and policy changes are localized by providers and experienced by PWUD and uncover how race, class, and gender may shape access to and experiences with modified harm reduction services. Applied anthropologists also have an important role in collaborating with harm reduction programs to ensure that the voices of marginalized individuals are not ignored as policy and programming changes take place during and after the pandemic.

BackgroundSubstance use treatment and harm reduction services are essential components of comprehensive strategies for reducing the harms of drug use and overdose. However, these services have been historically siloed, and there is a need to better understand how programs that serve people who use drugs (PWUD) are integrating these services. In this study, we compared treatment and harm reduction services offered by a multistate sample of substance use service providers and assessed how well they align with characteristics and needs of clients they serve early in the COVID-19 pandemic.MethodsWe recruited a convenience sample of programs that deliver harm reduction and/or treatment services in ten US states. Program directors participated in a survey assessing the services offered at their program. We also recruited clients of these programs to participate in a survey assessing a range of sociodemographic and health characteristics, substance use behaviors, and health service utilization. We then cross-compared client characteristics and behaviors relative to services being offered through these programs.ResultsWe collected and analyzed data from 511 clients attending 18 programs that we classified as either offering treatment with medications for opioid use disorder (MOUD) (N = 6), syringe service programs (SSP) (N = 8), or offering both MOUD and SSP (N = 4). All programs delivered a range of treatment and harm reduction services, with MOUD & SSP programs delivering the greatest breadth of services. There were discrepancies between services provided and characteristics and behaviors reported by clients: 80% of clients of programs that offered MOUD without SSP actively used drugs and 50% injected drugs; 40% of clients of programs that offered SSP without MOUD sought drug treatment services. Approximately half of clients were unemployed and unstably housed, but few programs offered direct social services.ConclusionsIn many ways, existing programs are not meeting the service needs of PWUD. Investing in innovative models that empower clients and integrate a range of accessible and flexible treatment, harm reduction and social services can pave the way for a more effective and equitable service system that considers the long-term health of PWUD.

Stigmatize the use, not the user? Attitudes on opioid use, drug injection, treatment, and overdose prevention in rural communities.