Haiti

The Haitian government and international community made limited progress in 2014 to address the devastating impact of recent natural disasters and a deadly cholera epidemic. Political stalemates, resource constraints, and weak government institutions continued to hinder the Haitian government's efforts to meet the basic needs of its people and address long-standing human rights problems, such as violence against women and inhumane prison conditions.For the fourth consecutive year, Haiti failed to hold constitutionally mandated elections, leading to a deteriorating political environment. The terms of another one third of the Senate and a number of deputies were due to end in early 2015, leaving almost all elected national and local positions in Haiti (with the exception of a remaining one third of senators and the president) open or filled by appointees.As of June, 103,565 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were living in camps established in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake, according the International Organization for Migration, down more than 90 percent since 2010. The United Nations estimates that some 70,000 of the remaining IDPs have no prospect of a durable solution.The cholera epidemic has claimed more than 8,500 lives and infected over 700,000 people in four years. Nevertheless, 2014 marked a significant decrease in the number of suspected cases and a dramatic reduction in deaths, down to 51 deaths for the year as of September, compared to over 4,100 deaths in the first three months of 2010.

The problem of interrelation and interdependence of various human and civil rights and freedoms in the light of the concept of social justice is investigated. The problem of a fair measure of human and civil rights and freedoms is considered, it is argued that a fair measure of rights and freedoms in any sphere of human activity should initially proceed from the idea of natural human rights to life, freedom and property, but this measure should be conditioned by the concrete historical realities of a given society. The author considers social justice as a measure of freedom. In the course of researching issues related to the problem of human rights and freedoms, the author proceeds from the theoretical position that all economic, political and spiritual rights and freedoms are interrelated and mutually conditioned. The author explores the problem of human rights and freedoms and social justice using the principle of development, an axiological approach and a criterion of practice. The author explores various aspects of freedom from the point of view of the concept of social justice, in the context of the relationship between freedom and responsibility, rights and duties. The problem of various human rights and freedoms is studied by the author in the context of their interrelation and interdependence. It is argued that the basis of political and spiritual freedom is, first of all, economic freedom, but at the same time the value of spiritual and political rights and freedoms in themselves is emphasized. The author interprets the problem of human rights and freedoms and social justice as tools in reflecting the realities of the modern world and tries to identify ideas in them that can be used in modern society to solve existing problems in it. The problem requires further investigation.

and Camille Kasavan, Samuel Hall. 2 MICIC, 2016. For the purposes of this chapter, migrants include tourists, business travellers, foreign students, temporary workers and permanent residents, as well as asylum seekers and refugees. 3 MICIC, 2016. 4 Martin, 2016. 5 The focus on evacuation of migrants to their countries of origin as a response to crisis, in a global context of return as the "go-to" policy response (Shaw, 2018), reflects a limited interest in, and use of, alternative responses that are more cognizant of migrants' capacities and aspirations.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) presents itself as a non-normative intergovernmental agency which ensures orderly and humane management of migration. Yet migration and the treatment of migrants is an issue which is highly normatively charged—as evidenced by the 2016 New York Declaration, the protection of the human rights of migrants is a matter of great concern to the international community. The IOM joined the United Nations (UN) as a related organisation in 2016 but continued to reaffirm its status as a non-normative agency. In this chapter we examine the coherence of the IOM’s new position as a related organisation of the UN from the perspective of the UN as a normative agency charged with assuring that its members protect human rights. We focus on two anomalies. First, there is a conflict between the IOM’s Constitution, which requires respect for national laws, and the UN Charter, which asserts the primacy of international human rights. Second, there is a contrast between the IOM’s independence as a ‘related agency’—notably its lack of reporting obligations—and the position of other UN organisations engaged in migration, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), International Labour Organization (ILO) and Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). We argue that the IOM member states—who are also UN members—should amend the Constitution to give priority to international law and specifically to international human rights law. This would bring the organisation into conformity with the UN Charter and its UN relationship agreement. Doing so would also provide a criterion against which the IOM operations could be decided and assessed.

While a growing body of research explores the ways in which NGOs affect IO accountability, relatively little high-level, sustained international advocacy has focused on the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and IOM has been under-examined in the literature on NGOs and IO accountability. This is surprising as IOM has a history of involvement in activities such as migrant returns and detention that may threaten or actively violate migrants’ rights—activities that call out for careful external scrutiny. This chapter explores the drivers and implications of this puzzling disconnect, and opportunities to overcome it. We map out the limited ways in which international human rights advocacy organizations have engaged with IOM, and consider why advocacy NGOs have not more actively pushed for increased accountability from IOM. International advocacy NGOs have important but still under-developed roles to play in advancing accountability for the human rights implications of IOM’s work. Enhancing accountability is a two-way street: there is a need for advocates to devote more attention to IOM, and develop more concerted advocacy strategies vis-à-vis IOM. Meanwhile, IOM should clearly recognize the importance of external advocacy, and engage more openly and systematically with human rights advocates, moving beyond traditional postures of defensiveness, dismissal and secrecy.

The study of internal displacement cannot be separated from a study of mechanisms, and this chapter therefore evaluates how UN actors approach the IDP issue. It explores the implications of a human rights approach to the problem of internal displacement on the nature of the institutional response to that problem. Indeed, while the analysis concentrates on humanitarian actors, internally displaced persons are victims of human rights violations. Examining UN actors' policies on internal displacement should therefore reflect how these actors are integrating human rights concerns within their respective mandates.

PS 3: Conflict and Peacebuilding - Sultan Barakat and Irene Zaddach, Auditorium A & B (Rectory), September 4, 2025, 09:00 - 10:00The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has resulted in one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, with over 12.7 million people affected, including 3.8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 6.9 million displaced abroad, and 4.1 million returnees. The civilian toll is severe, with more than 40,000 casualties and extensive damage to critical infrastructure, including over 1,300 medical facilities and 721 educational institutions. These disruptions have led to widespread mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) needs, particularly among IDPs, persons with disabilities, women, and the unemployed, who are at heightened risk of depression and related conditions.The International Organization for Migration (IOM) MHPSS programme in Ukraine operates across the humanitarian-development nexus and integrates its activities into recovery and peacebuilding frameworks. The rationale for integrating MHPSS into peace and recovery is grounded in evidence that conflict and displacement profoundly affect psychosocial well-being at both individual and community levels. Unaddressed MHPSS needs impede recovery, social cohesion, and long-term peaceful coexistence. IOM’s approach prioritizes restoring agency, dignity, and belonging, fostering social cohesion and trust, and encouraging inclusive identity and solidarity across diverse groups.IOM employs a multi-model strategy, combining psychosocial and?socioecological models with a multilayered intervention approach. This spans basic services, community and family supports, focused supports, and specialized mental health care, ensuring comprehensive coverage. The programme is evidence-based and community-rooted, with needs assessments conducted locally and tailored responses addressing newly emerged vulnerabilities, such as support for people after amputation and innovative interventions like equine-assisted psychosocial support for veterans and their families.Further, IOM integrates MHPSS with livelihood support, life skills training, and transitional justice processes, aiming for community empowerment, sustainability, and the rebuilding of trust in institutions. The multiprofessional and multisectoral approach underscores IOM’s commitment to resilience, recovery, and sustainable peace in Ukraine.

Migration research and analysis: Growth, reach and recent contributions of research and analysis being produced on migration is important for those working on migration policies, studying migration, or wanting to develop an informed opinion on migration.It is important to highlight at the outset that there are fundamental differences in the publishing processes for academic and non-academic material, and each has its strengths and weaknesses.The academic publishing system is largely focused on producing journal articles and books.This process typically involves multi-stage reviews and editorial comments involving authors, editors and reviewers.Most published academic research ("white" literature) is behind paywalls (that is, not freely accessible), and often managed by commercial publishers.In contrast, the production of research and analysis publications outside of academic publishing ("grey" literature) generally involves faster and simpler processes that are typically, although not always, characterized by more limited peer review.Contributions from grey literature (such as research reports, working papers and government/official documents) are usually freely available.A report such as this, designed to contribute to our collective understanding of migration and mobility in an increasingly interconnected world, would clearly be incomplete without describing the role of grey literature, which has been "recognized as a key source of evidence, argument, innovation, and understanding". 6 The volume, diversity and growth of both white and grey literature preclude a systematic review of all the material produced and published on migration in 2017 and 2018.Instead, this chapter highlights examples of key contributions made during this period, published in English by a selection of academic journals and intergovernmental organizations.It provides an update to the chapter in World Migration Report 2018, including by focusing on different academic journals and intergovernmental organizations, and their key output in 2017 and 2018. 7 The next section provides an overview of the different actors involved in migration research and analysis.The third section features recent, selected contributions from academia and intergovernmental organizations, and the reach and impact of some of the migration research materials published. Main producers of migration research and analysis AcademiaIdeally, researchers create new knowledge that is supported by strong evidence and is useful for others.Research findings are produced for, and disseminated to, different target audiences.Traditional academic work can be highly technical and narrowly focused, although academic researchers are increasingly encouraged to disseminate their work beyond academic spheres. 8 Researchers analysing policy-relevant issues are often keen to engage with policymakers to impart knowledge that can inform policy deliberations and help shape policymaking -this is especially the case with migration.Effective research contributions for policy audiences tend to take the form of short papers and blog articles, as well as policy workshops and interactive expert meetings.6 GreyNet International, 2014.7 In order to ensure, to the extent possible, that this chapter provides a comprehensive "stand-alone" overview of migration research and analysis in 2017 and 2018, we have drawn upon key background and context material included in the

On 8 August 2003 a few hundred activists of the Sixth Anti-racist Border Camp in Germany made their way from their tents in the Rhine meadows in Cologne to nearby Bonn. Here they demonstrated in front of the office of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an intergovernmental organization with 127 member states and an annual budget of more than 1 billion US Dollars (USD) in 2008. Its central motto is ‘Managing Migration for the Benefit of All’ (IOM, 2008a). The demonstrators contested this. For them, IOM always acted ‘in the interests of governments and against autonomous migration and unwanted refugees’ (Anti-racist Border Camp, 2003, p. 3, translation F.G.). The rally was the finale of a 2-year campaign under the slogan ‘Stop IOM! Freedom of movement versus global migration management’ organized mainly by the Noborder Network, comprised of leftist and immigrant groups from different European countries. A day of action in October 2002 targeted the IOM offices in Berlin, Vienna, and Helsinki. During the G8 summit in Evian in May 2003 so-called anti-globalization activists demonstrated outside the IOM headquarters in Geneva, hurling stones. Police reacted with tear gas (interview No Border activist, 25.04.2009). At the same time, the NGOs (non-governmental organizations) Amnesty International (AI) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) denounced IOM for violating the rights of migrants: ‘Our research and the research of colleague organizations […] has revealed a range of ongoing IOM activities that appear to obstruct, in whole or in part, the rights of the very people IOM is tasked with assisting’ (HRW, 2003, p. 3; cf. Amnesty International/Human Rights Watch, 2002).

The humanitarian crisis in Yemen has left millions in urgent need of aid, with internally displaced persons and vulnerable host communities facing extreme challenges in accessing basic services, including sanitation and shelter. The International Organization for Migration (IOM), in partnership with the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center (KSrelief), has been instrumental in addressing these critical needs, particularly among internally displaced persons (IDPs), migrants, and conflict-affected host communities. This article details the methods, results, and impact of IOM's humanitarian interventions, with a focus on the role of Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH) initiatives, alongside other essential services. Through projects such as latrine construction, cesspit rehabilitation, and waste management, IOM and KSrelief have significantly improved living conditions. The article highlights how data-driven responses, multi-sectoral collaboration, and community-based approaches are fostering long-term resilience and stabilizing vulnerable populations in Yemen.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the problems of social vulnerability of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and forced migrants. Basing on data from the United Nations Organization, the International Organization for Migration, the International Labour Organization and data from sociological surveys of IDPs and forced migrants, the dynamic changes in the number of these population groups, their main socio-demographic characteristics, problems and risks of social rejection, intentions to return to their places of permanent residence and integration potential in the new place of stay have been studied. It is concluded that there is the high level of multifactorial social vulnerability of IDPs and forced migrants, most of whom are women with children, the elderly, the disabled, and orphans. Because of the destruction of social, economic, and cultural ties, IDPs and forced migrants have increased risks of social rejection from the political, economic life and social surroundings, the sphere of culture and education, the services of the health care system and social protection. There are reasons for the formation of significant manifestations of rejection among IDPs, in particular in terms of access to structural and economic resources to ensure basic social and economic human rights, and positions that provide an opportunity to gain access to such resources. Assessments of the integration of IDPs by the communities that receive them may indicate the presence of certain barriers to the integration of IDPs in their new place of residence. It is shown that the loss of human potential is the most negative consequence of large-scale forced migration and internal displacement of the population for the territorial communities of Ukraine. At the same time, for communities hosting IDPs, population growth can become a driver of local development.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is yet another international organization created in the years following World War II. It was designed to cope with a specific situation: displacement and perceived “surplus population” in post-war Europe. Over the years, its role has expanded, especially in terms of emergency responses to conflicts and disasters, creating a multi-mandate organisation. International human rights law binds states, either through treaty or custom; the international law of armed conflict is binding on parties to the conflict, states or non-state armed groups (NSAGs), and all high contracting parties. International organizations operating in the humanitarian sphere have accepted to uphold the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, that draw on both sub-disciplines of international law. This chapter explores IOM’s role and obligations in humanitarian operations, particularly towards individuals caught up in the humanitarian crisis and to other humanitarian actors. In that regard, in the light of its 2015 Humanitarian Policy and its related organization status with the UN since 2016, how far do the abovementioned humanitarian principles, international human rights law norms, international rule of law, and even the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, govern IOM’s work in humanitarian settings?

ABSTRACTThis article provides a review of the literature on the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and serves as an introduction to the JEMS special issue devoted to this organisation. IOM has long been a neglected research topic. Since the 1990s, however, it has experienced substantial growth; its role and visibility in the global politics of migration have increased, which has culminated in IOM’s elevation to a UN-related organisation status in 2016. This has spurred growing interest in its history, structure, and activities. The main argument developed in this article is that IOM exemplifies some of the key changes currently taking place in the way international migration is apprehended and governed. This is analysed in terms of four main research issues: (1) the role of IOM in migration politics and its relationship to state sovereignty, (2) IOM’s managerial and market-inspired approach to the role of migration in the global economy, (3) IOM’s relationship to civil society and the implications of its activities in terms of human rights and humanitarian protection, and (4) IOM’s normative influence on the production of knowledge and the way migration is intellectually and politically constructed as a research and policy issue.

Problem setting. The problem of human rights in the context of globalization is complex and requires concerted and effective actions, which should be applied not only at the level of nation states, but also at the global level. Globalization has opened new challenges, related to the implementation, development and transformation of human rights, accelerated their universalization, and set new challenges for the world community. The purpose of the article is to analyze the essence of globalization and the impact of globalization processes in the world on the definition of the essence and approaches to human and civil rights and freedoms, analysis of the legal basis for their consolidation and guarantee. Analysis of resent researches and publications. Today, the interest of scientists to globalization in general and legal globalization has increased significantly. The problem of human rights has a worldwide character, it has been studied by such leading foreign specialists as Z. Baumman, in. Beck, K. Omaye, S. Strahej, E. Toffler, M. Foucault, Y. Habermas, J. Rola, F. Fukuyama, etc. Certain aspects of legal globalization were studied by domestic scientists – O. Petrishin, P. Rabinovich, O. Dashkovskaya, L. Wasechko, I. Zharovskaya, N. Onishchenko, O.Uvarova and others. However, consideration of the problem of human rights transformation requires a solidise analysis and a comprehensive approach. Articles main body. The issues of interaction between globalization and law at the present stage of society development are considered. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the factors of interaction between globalization changes and human rights in modern society. The following signs of transformation of the institution of rights and freedoms are singled out: change of the content of human rights under the pressure of global problems of the present; emergence and legal development of new human rights and freedoms; universalization and regionalization of human rights; complicating the system of international legal regulation of human rights. It is determined that in the context of globalization processes human rights standards in the sphere of digital technologies and further development of human rights to prohibit discrimination in all spheres of relations, in particular on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity, also deserve special attention. Conclusions. Analyzing the different approaches to the legal opportunities of people in the era of globalization, it can be stated that given the diversity of relations of which everyone in the world is a member, international organizations and each country should not dwell on developing and improving the legal framework to guarantee and protect human interests and rights. . But they are obliged to continue the legal policy on the recognition and consolidation of human rights and freedoms that appear in the changing conditions of today in the modern world under the further influence of scientific and technological progress, as well as geopolitical challenges.

Relationship of Violence Exposure and Mental Health of Youth in Iraq