Guns, Torches and Badges: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre, the Charlottesville Unite the Right Rally, and the Lasting Impacts of Racial Violence on Black and anti-Racist Communities

The Negro Race and European Civilization - Paul S Reinsch The Psychology of American Race Prejudice - George W Ellis Social Pathology - Stuart Alfred Queen and Jenette Row Gruener Obstacles to Social Participation Black Reconstruction in America - W E B Du Bois An Essay toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America 1860-1880 An American Dilemma - Gunnar Mydral The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy Caste, Class and Race - Oliver Cromwell Cox A Study in Social Dynamics Race and Nationality in American Life - Oscar Handlin The Authoritarian Personality - T W Adorno et al The Idea of Racialism - Louis L Snyder Its Meaning and History Man's Most Dangerous Myth - Ashley Montagu The Fallacy of Race Black Power - Stokely Carmichael and Charles V Hamilton The Politics of Liberation in America Race and Ethnicity - Pierre L van den Berghe A Sociobiological Perspective Racism and the Class Struggle - James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs Further Pages from a Black Worker's Notebook White Racism - Joel Kovel A Psychohistory Racially Separate or Together? - Thomas F Pettigrew A Rap on Race - Margaret Mead and James Baldwin Portraits of White Racism - David T Wellman Essence, Accident and Race - H M Bracken The Cress Theory of Color-Confrontation - Frances Cress Welsing The Declining Significance of Race - William Julius Wilson Blacks and Changing American Institutions Introduction to Black Studies - Maulana Kerenga Reflections on American Racism - Paul M Sniderman and Philip E Tetlock Problems in the Marxist Project of Theorizing Race - E San Juan Jr Blacks and Other Racial Minorities - Joe T Darden The Significance of Color in Inequality Scientific Racism - Charles Leslie Reflections on Peer Review, Science and Ideology There's More to Racism Than Black and White - Elizabeth Martinez Shadows of Race and Class - Raymond S Franklin The Race Relations Problematic - Michael Banton Dysconscious Racism - Joyce E King Ideology, Identity and the Miseducation of Teachers Origins of the Myth of Race - Doug Jenness Talking about Race, Learning about Racism - Beverly Daniel Tatum The Application of Racial Identity Development Theory in the Classroom The Retreat of Scientific Racism - Elazar Barkan Changing Concepts of Race in Britian and the United States between the World Wars When Black First Became Worth Less - Anton L Allahar Conceptualizing Racisms - John Solomos and Les Back Social Theory, Politics and Research The Invention of the White Race - Theodore W Allen Racial Oppression and Social Control The Science and Politics of Racial Research - William H Tucker The Racist Mind - Raphael S Ezekiel Portraits of American Neo-Nazis and Klansmen The Recovery of Race in America - Aaron David Gresson Conclusion

Learning From the Past and Working in the Present to Create an Antiracist Future for Academic Medicine.

Revolutionary Suicide

This research paper carries the overlying objective of exploring Christian identity and the religious foundations of White Supremacy ideology, which promotes violent hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Christian theological principles were employed to explore the religious domain of white supremacy. It was discovered that Christian identity was incorporated as a tool to fuel white supremacy and justify violence against the black plus Jewish community of the United States (US). In accordance with Christian principles, Anglo-Saxon individuals were the lost biblical Israeli tribes and the chosen people of God. On the other hand, Jews were claimed to be the offspring of Satan, that employed manipulation for gaining dominance over the world’s finances and promoted the destruction of Aryan civilizations. Moreover, it was stated that, amidst the second coming, a war between the children of light (Christians) and darkness (Jews) will institute the Kingdom of Christ. Hence, hatred was fueled against the Jewish community, and justification for violent crimes was undertaken. Further adding on, Christian identity was further employed for the justification of racial segregation. White individuals and Aryans are stated to follow in line with Adam and Eve, while, non-Aryans or black individuals were regarded as children of Eve and the serpent. The Christian school of thought argues that racial mixing was the original sin resulting in the expulsion of the “white man from the Garden of Eden”. Henceforth, racial segregation and racism against the black community were justified on religious grounds. The violent manifestations of these narratives were witnessed under the KKK. The hate group induced organized terror against African Americans and Jews on the basis of theology, and their implications are witnessed to this day. American society is still struggling with racism and anti-Semitism, which explains religious rhetoric in militant organizations has lasting implications on the narrative of communities.

EDITORIAL: CAN WE LOWER THE MORTALITY RATE OF BLACK MEN WITH PROSTATE CANCER?

Malignant transformation of the prostate and progression of carcinoma appear to be the consequence of a complex series of initiation and promotional events under genetic and environmental influences. Increased incidence of the condition may be the result of improved detection, greater awareness of the condition, and possibly an increased life expectancy accompanied by a decrease in competing causes of death rather than a true increase in the prevalence of the disease. The marked racial and geographic differences are probably multifactorial, with genetic, environmental, and possibly social influences affecting progression of the disease. Among several risk factors, evidence for the familial inheritance of some prostate cancers is compelling. Dietary influences, hormonal milieu, and the role of environmental carcinogens are currently under intense investigation. As further risk factors are identified, it will become increasingly important to identify individuals at increased risk for the disease. These men should undergo regular evaluation with state-of-the-art methods.

Ethical Considerations Regarding the Use of Race in Pulmonary Function Testing

Background: Few well-established prostate cancer risk factors exist, and associations with modifiable factors, such as diet/nutrient intake and other health-related parameters, have primarily been identified in non-Hispanic white populations. In this study we examined whether prior associations explain prostate cancer risk in non-Hispanic black men and/or underlie some of the black-white difference in risk. Methods: Race-specific associations between diet, nutrient intake, and other factors and prostate cancer risk in black (N = 7,030) and white (N = 230,968) men in the NIH-AARP cohort were examined. During an average of 9.4 years of follow-up, there were 1,049 incident cases among black men (156 advanced stage), and 21,301 cases among white men (2,677 advanced). Cox proportional hazards regression models estimated prostate cancer hazard ratios (HR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI). We also evaluated the change in the HR for black race following addition of each factor to the model. Results: Race-specific parsimonious prostate cancer models showed similar black and white associations only for history of diabetes (black men HR = 0.79, 95%CI: 0.65-0.95; and white men HR = 0.72, 95% CI: 0.68-0.77). For all other risk factors examined, the associations were either similar but did not reach statistical significance in black men (i.e., for body mass index, smoking status, and tomato intake), or differed by race. For example, in white men we observed a null association with non-advanced disease for height (per 10 cm increase, HR = 1.01, 95% CI: 0.99-1.03), and an inverse association in black men (HR = 0.91, 95% CI: 0.82-0.996; p for interaction = 0.03). Similarly, a positive association was evident between dietary vitamin D intake and non-advanced disease in white men (highest versus lowest quintile, HR = 1.11, 95% CI: 1.05-1.18), with an inverse association in black men (HR = 0.88, 95% CI: 0.71-1.10; p for interaction = 0.04). Risk of advanced disease showed a null association with alcohol consumption in white men (≥ 6 drinks/day versus never drinkers, HR = 0.96, 95% CI: 0.78-1.20) and a statistically significant direct relation in black men (HR = 2.19, 95% CI: 1.04-4.59; p for interaction = 0.15). Overall, adjustment for the risk factors increased the hazard ratio for black race by 23% (1.73 to 1.90) for non-advanced and 13% (2.03 to 2.16) for advanced disease. Conclusions: Our data suggest that many factors thought to influence prostate cancer risk in predominantly non-Hispanic white populations explain only a small proportion of black male risk, or the black-white difference in risk. Dietary vitamin D intake, height, and alcohol consumption associations with prostate cancer risk may vary between black and white men. Citation Format: Tracy M. Layne, Barry I. Graubard, Xiaomei Ma, Susan T. Mayne, Demetrius Albanes. Prostate cancer risk factor profiles in black and white men in the NIH-AARP Diet and Health Study. [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 107th Annual Meeting of the American Association for Cancer Research; 2016 Apr 16-20; New Orleans, LA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2016;76(14 Suppl):Abstract nr 1777.

Black women are at high risk for obesity and obesity-related health problems (1). Nearly 50% of black women compared to 30% of white women are obese (2,3). While many women who attempt to lose weight do so through caloric restriction and/or physical activity, smoking has been identified as an alternate strategy used for weight loss among black women with weight concerns or body image concerns (4). Nicotine's suppression of body weight facilitates initiation and maintenance of smoking among women (5,6,7). Despite the deadly health risks associated with tobacco use, 23.1% of women smoke (8). Female smokers are more likely to report smoking cigarettes to control weight (6,9) and less likely to quit smoking due to weight concern (10). Perkins et al. and Pirke and Laessle note that women tend to suffer more postcessation weight gain than men (as cited in Copeland) (11). Smoking cessation is less likely among women who fear postcessation weight gain or benefit from weight control when smoking. Additionally, women with the intention to control body weight by restrictive eating are more likely to smoke to control appetite and weight (12). Black women tend to have lower rates of smoking cessation and physical activity and higher dietary fat intake (13,14,15). Factors contributing to low prevalence of weight management among black women need to be identified for the development of appropriate interventions. Less reported social pressure to achieve thinness and greater perceived attractiveness at higher body weights may limit motivation for healthy weight management among many black women. The 2003–2008 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey found weight control through physical activity or dietary change to be positively associated with weight perception (odds ratio women 3.74; 95% confidence interval 2.96, 4.73) (16). Several authors assert that historical black-white differences in ideal female body image (17) and acceptance of overweight (18) may contribute in part to explaining racial differences in weight loss efforts and modifiable weight management behaviors. It has been indicated that black women have a high prevalence of obesity partly because self-image is not strongly dependent on body size (19). Body shape perception often varies by race and gender with blacks generally perceiving their bodies as lighter than indicated by their BMI (20). An understanding of factors such as body image and their relationship to weight loss behaviors is necessary to promote healthier lifestyles. This review investigates the association between body image satisfaction and dietary behavior, physical activity, and smoking as tools for weight control among black women. Due to the paucity of literature focusing solely on black women, this article considers both the experiences of black women alone and with other groups. Studies were identified through computerized searches of biomedical and psychological databases, namely PubMed, CINAHL, Psych Abstracts, Science Direct, and Web of Science and manual searches of article bibliographies focusing on dietary behaviors, physical activity, and smoking/alternative weight control techniques since 1990. Searches were performed on recurring authors and in recurring journals for additional articles on the topics. Variations of the term "body image," including "body dissatisfaction," "satisfaction," and "esteem," as well as "size," "shape," and "weight" were sought. Searches included these terms in combination with the target health behaviors, namely diet, physical activity, and smoking. The search was limited to studies including black or African-American females. We did not restrict our search to only studies that investigated ethnic differences because it is our aim to understand body image as it relates to health behaviors among black women to determine whether it may be a factor to address in designing interventions. We were not specifically investigating racial differences in regards to body image. Additionally, we found that many studies did not distinguish results by race or ethnicity. Thirty-one articles have been cited in this article. The list may not be exhaustive. Some identified articles were excluded for several reasons. Studies investigating dietary disorders were omitted as well as those that did not evaluate body image in association with the health behaviors. Findings and critiques of the remaining articles follow. Over the last decade, several seminal papers have documented the positive association between components of body image dissatisfaction and dieting frequency or dieting status among US adults and adolescents. An accumulating body of research has directly evaluated the relationship between dimensions of body image and dieting behavior or dieting status specifically in black women (see Table 1). Two studies bear mentioning first as findings have acknowledged the importance of identifying potential within group variation among black women with respect to dieting and body image disturbance (see Table 1). Kumanyika and colleagues were among the first to begin to clarify the link between dieting and weight satisfaction in a large sample of black women from the Washington DC community (1). Results showed that less satisfaction with weight and a history of dieting were more likely among the overweight women. Similarly, among black female participants in the CARDIA multisite investigation, a positive relationship between dimensions of body dissatisfaction and dieting for weight reduction was evidenced across BMI tertiles despite women of greater BMI reporting poorer body image (19). It is unclear however, whether results varied by study site. A series of cross-sectional studies assessed body image (using diverse instrumentation) among multiethnic samples of self-identified dieters inclusive of appreciable numbers of black females (21,22,23,24,25,26). In both adults and adolescents few differences in body image disturbance were observed between black and white female dieters (Table 1). This parity was particularly evident when analyses were adjusted for covariates correlated with both dieting status and body image perceptions (e.g., age, BMI regardless of race (21,23,25). Only a few studies to date have examined these relationships including nondieting controls as a comparison (22,24). In one early report, adolescent dieters residing in the Midwest irrespective of race, gender, and actual overweight status typically endorsed more disturbed body image attitudes relative to nondieting peers (24). Similarly, in a more recent investigation conducted in Los Angeles, both black and white adult female chronic dieters exhibiting high dietary restraint reported greater distortions in aspects of body image than nondieting females and male chronic dieters (22). However, these results were not controlled for BMI, age, or socioeconomic status. Another series of cross-sectional investigations compared the relationship between dimensions of body image and dietary restraint/dieting in ethnically diverse groups of black and white adult and adolescent females. Again, it appears that in general, the correlations between these factors are robust independent of age and race in community (22,27,28,29,30) and in-patient (26) samples. Notable exceptions, however, were observed in a few instances where patterns of relationships between indicators of poor body image and dieting behavior differed between women of both racial groups (Table 1 and see refs. 26,28,29). Interestingly, the one investigation in which no significant relationship emerged between components of body dissatisfaction and dieting among black females was conducted in the southern US region (26). A few recent reports have begun to explore the association between measures of body image and various dietary consumption patterns among black females and others (Table 2; please see Ard et al., for a description of findings using qualitative methodology) (31). Dependent variables included frequency of skipping meals (32,33), fast food consumption (34), and composite measures of dietary weight control (35) in predominantly black or ethnically diverse samples spanning a spectrum of ages and US regions. Components of body image disturbance tended to covary positively with poorer nutritional content (35) and behavior patterns (36) and negatively correlated with healthy dietary intake (37) with some exceptions (38,39). However, BMI and other socioeconomic status variables were not consistently controlled in analyzing these relationships. There have been varied findings regarding the association between body satisfaction and participation in physical activity (see Table 3). One study identified body image as a motivating factor for engaging in physical activity (14). Taylor et al. (14) investigated reasons for adolescent girls' participating or not participating in physical activity. Focus groups of black and Latina girls revealed that concerns with body image facilitated physical activity. The girls reported that extra body fat and size affected how they felt about themselves. Some noted positive effects of exercise were "keeping your right size," "a flat stomach," and "losing weight" as well as the desire to be skinny like the people on the exercise programs on TV and to lift weights to give shape to your body. Although there is qualitative evidence of body image being a motivating factor for physical activity, several other studies have found that low body satisfaction is associated with low physical activity. In a 5-year longitudinal study of socioeconomically and ethnically diverse adolescents, Neumark-Sztainer and colleagues (40) found that lower body satisfaction predicted lower levels of physical activity among females. Separate findings for black and white females were not presented. However, results were weighted by ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status of respondents. Similarly, Yancey et al. (41) found that overweight black women and men were less likely to perceive themselves to be overweight than overweight Latinos or whites. Average weight blacks and Latinos who perceived themselves as being overweight were more likely to be sedentary than their white counterparts. In subgroup analyses by race/ethnicity, black and Latina women were grouped together due to small numbers (41). In another study, adolescents who perceived themselves as overweight were less likely to engage in physical activity despite trying to lose weight. Exercising was the method more often reported by whites than by other racial and ethnic groups (32). Some studies support the notion of cultural acceptance of fatness suggesting that blacks are less likely to engage in weight loss behaviors due to acceptance of large body shapes (42,43). Kelly et al. (33,42) found that black girls were more likely than white girls to report high body satisfaction. Results suggested that adolescent girls with high body satisfaction were less likely to use healthy or unhealthy weight control behaviors, including exercise, eating more fruits and vegetables, and eating fewer sweets and high-fat foods (42). Similarly, Mabry and colleagues (43) found that black adolescent girls demonstrated more acceptance and self-esteem with regards to having a larger body size than their white peers. This acceptance was associated with less participation in physical activity (43). Although many investigators are concerned with the impact of body image satisfaction on engagement in physical activities, others have investigated the opposite relationship. Some studies have found participation in physical activity to lead to improved body image (20,44,45,46). In a convenience sample with 60% black women Smith and Michel found that pregnant women who participated in an aquatic aerobic program reported improved body image scores. While analyses were not stratified by race/ethnicity, the diversity of the sample suggested that this association was true across race and ethnic groups (44). Likewise, Miller and Levy found that female athletes exhibited significantly more positive body image self-concept than female nonathletes (45). Again, results were not stratified by race. In a biracial population of young adults aged 18.5–35 in Bogalusa, LA, physical activity was not found to be a significant predictor of body image perception (20). While both black women and white women expressed negative body image views that countered the cultural tolerance of fatness theory attributed to black women, these groups expressed differences in ideal weight-loss methods. White women emphasized physical activity whereas black women emphasized food characteristics with no mention of physical activity (46). Some studies investigated both body image and physical activity but did not assess the association between these two factors; however, racial/ethnic differences were noted. Studies suggest that there is no significant difference between blacks and whites over age 22, whereas white teens and college-aged women are more dissatisfied with their looks than black women at this age (47). Perry et al. found that white girls had greater physical activity whereas black girls had higher ideal body sizes and greater body satisfaction than white girls. There was no significant difference between black girls and Hispanic girls on body satisfaction or physical activity (48). Contrarily, another study found that black women had higher ideal body image and more sedentary behaviors than Latin-American women (49). While there is evidence of contrary findings of the relationship between body image and physical activity and differences by race/ethnicity, in general the association tends to vary by age. Several researchers have examined the relationship between body image and smoking among females. However, the sample sizes of many of these studies assessing the role of body image on decisions to start smoking or smoking cessation included few blacks. King (13) noted that researchers had not examined the role of tobacco use for weight management among black women. Several clinical trials regarding tobacco cessation have assessed the impact that body image or weight image has in influencing smoking patterns among females. The studies can be separated into two types—those examining smoking initiation or smoking cessation. Several cross-sectional studies examined whether perceptions of attractiveness influenced smoking behaviors (50,51,52). Findings suggest that women smokers felt less attractive and disliked their bodies more than nonsmokers (52) (Table 4). Women with weight concern were more likely to smoke to achieve a smaller figure. Knauss and colleagues (50) found that female smokers considered other smokers to be more attractive and rated smoking as appealing. Utilization of media (magazines and television) may encourage smoking among weight-concerned adolescents. Carson surveyed 967 12th graders to examine whether exposure to media and drive for thinness influenced smoking among this population. Teens who read fashion, entertainment, and gossip magazines were more likely to be current smokers. The authors asserted that smoking is used by these teens in order to maintain a thin figure (51). Among studies of smoking for weight management, few studies have assessed the use of smoking for weight management among black women (53). An earlier review of barriers to smoking cessation among minority women did not include weight control as a barrier to quitting smoking (13). Many prior studies included small numbers of blacks. However, four studies examined the relationships between smoking and weight concern among larger numbers of black females. Several clinical trials have assessed factors affecting smoking cessation among black females. One study examined smoking cessation among blacks with HIV/AIDS (54). Another examined smoking cessation among low-income blacks (55). Both found black females with less weight concern were more likely to smoke. Only one study has assessed the role of weight concerns in smoking initiation among black females (53). Whereas 5.6% of African-American women initiated smoking as a result of weight concern, 11.3% of white women felt that weight was an important factor in smoking initiation. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY97) Cawley and colleagues (56) found that adolescent females with a higher BMI who were trying to lose weight were more likely to initiate smoking than the females who did not consider themselves overweight. Results were not stratified by race. Several studies assessed whether weight concern reduced smoking cessation among black women. Pomerleau et al. (53) found that overweight black smokers were less willing to risk weight gain by quitting smoking and concluded that weight concerns may motivate black women as powerfully as white women to continue to smoke. Two studies found that the majority of black female smokers were not concerned about postcessation weight gain (54,57). Obese black females were least concerned about postcessation weight gain. In contrast, another study reported that black female smokers were concerned about postcessation weight gain (56). Concerns about body shapes or the fear of postcessation weight gain differ from those of white females, yet have influenced some black women's decisions about smoking cessation. Further efforts must be made to provide weight gain education and prevention among black females (57). Numerous studies have investigated the association between body image and modifiable weight-loss behaviors among black females. In general, body dissatisfaction was found to be associated with poorer health behaviors. Females who were dissatisfied with their bodies were more likely to practice poor nutritional behaviors and less likely to participate in physical activity or to stop smoking. There were variations in findings due to race, age, and overweight status. Notable aspects of some previous studies regarding body image and weight control measures were the use of diverse populations, longitudinal study designs, and the consideration of inverse relationships. Several studies of body image and dieting behavior are particularly noteworthy for their methodological rigor of executing prospective longitudinal study designs (34,57) and for strategically sampling from both traditionally underrepresented groups in health research (e.g., ethnically diverse female hospital workers in an urban locale: (55) and from large regional segments of the US adolescent population (36,58,59). With small numbers of black females generally included in body image studies, two studies on smoking cessation are also noteworthy for investigating large groups of black females (54,57). The women in these studies were low-income, and in one study, the black women were HIV-infected. The bidirectional association between components of body image and weight control behaviors was highlighted by physical activity studies which investigated the impact of body image satisfaction on participation in physical activity(14,40,41,42,43,60) as well as the inverse influence of physical activity on body satisfaction (38,39,40,42) to assess motivators and barriers to weight control. Contrary to the strengths of a few studies, many studies suffered from analytical, methodological, and inclusion deficiencies. Little is known about the bidirectional relationship between changes in specific weight control behaviors and shifts in how black females may perceive their bodies and whether these patterns correspond with those reported by white females in this country. Most studies were cross-sectional in nature and unable to infer a clear directional relationship. The variations in findings of the associations suggest the need for more longitudinal research to clarify the directionality of this association. Additionally, there was great variation in measures of body image and classifications for dieting and physical activity status and perception. Most studies utilized a measure of self-perceived body image or weight status. It has been found that black females tend to be more accepting of larger bodies and generally underestimate their actual weight status with those who are overweight less likely to perceive themselves as overweight compared to other races (41,61). Those who are overweight perceive themselves as normal weight, and the obese consider themselves overweight (61). This discrepancy suggests the need for more culturally tailored programs to increase self-awareness of weight status, health consequences, and healthy lifestyle changes. Many studies on body image were mainly conducted on white females. Unfortunately, only small percentages of black females were usually included in the studies, therefore making any efforts to test for the potential differential impact of race on the relationship between measures of body image and behaviors untenable. Most authors discussed general findings irrespective of race (59,62), used race simply as a sociodemographic control variable versus testing it as a possible effect modifier (35,58), or tended to prefer emphasizing differences observed due to gender (37,59) or to overweight status (58). Additionally, studies were performed on a broad range of age cohorts suggesting an influence of body image throughout the stages of development and the need for further studies at each age level. Further investigation into differences by race/ethnicity within various age groups is needed. To design appropriate interventions to reduce obesity among black females it is necessary to understand whether body image is gaining influence in promoting dietary, physical activity, and smoking changes within the context of weight control. Based on the review of the literature offered here, the current state of the evidence is insufficient to adequately address this question at present. There are several factors to consider in improving the quality of the research produced and therefore strengthening confidence in the validity and applicability of findings. Chief among these is the need for greater attention to designing prospective longitudinal studies that would provide a more robust test of how dimensions of body image may act as determinants of weight control behaviors among black females. Additionally, with perceived overweight as well as high satisfaction with body image both being associated with more sedentariness, this presents quite a challenge for identifying motivators for black females to engage in health-promoting activities. A central question to target in future efforts is: What factors may modify the impact of weight and body dissatisfaction on engaging in dieting, physical activity, and smoking cessation among black females? The current review has provided some preliminary clues that may be involved in further delineating important individual differences in this line of research. These include overweight status (1), level of acculturation to mainstream US culture (22), and likely regional variation in the value placed on weight loss and tuning into feelings about the body as a mechanism of change (35,39). It is our hope that this critique may serve as a preliminary roadmap for both existing and future qualitative and quantitative research in this area to be effectively translated into culturally attuned healthy weight management promotion efforts among ethnically diverse females. The authors declared no conflict of interest.

E. Franklin Frazier is rightfully remembered as one of the most important and influential sociologists in the United States, and one of the nation's most prominent Black sociologists. Although Frazier deserves this fame, it tends to overshadow his lifelong radicalism and refusal to accept (in practice or theory) the naturalness of Black oppression in the United States. This radicalism infuses all of his writing, but is especially evident in his earlier writings when, rather than an academic, Frazier was best known as a radical “New Negro” voice. When Frazier died of cancer in 1962, the American Sociological Review ran an obituary by his Howard University colleague G. Franklin Edwards. This obituary notes Frazier published ninety-nine articles, but only mentions one by name, “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” from 1927. That article's “satirical style,” Edwards notes, “bears a kinship to the technique employed by Frazier” in his famous Black Bourgeoisie. After noting “Frazier was forced by a white mob to leave Atlanta where he was then teaching” upon the publication of the article, Edwards underlines the two writings, “though published more than a quarter of a century apart, were tied together by more than a common style” because “in both of these works, Frazier demonstrated his determination to describe, analyze, and evaluate social reality as he perceived it, even when he was fully conscious that his evaluation would not be accepted by a great many readers.”1 Another Howard colleague, English professor Arthur Davis, in an obituary in the Journal of Negro Education, stressed how the two writings underlined Frazier's insistence on telling the truth about race relations in the United States: “Early in his career, [Frazier] was run out of Atlanta for an article he wrote on Southern whites; he was ‘lynched’ in the Negro press for his Black Bourgeoisie.”2Sociologist St. Clair Drake referred to “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” in his introduction to Frazier's The Negro Youth at the Crossways, published five years after Frazier's death: “Legend has proliferated about the circumstances of his retreat from Atlanta, with Frazier emerging from the telling as a sort of combative hero, fighting a rear-guard action against the Ku Klux Klan.”3 One study of Frazier in the late 1980s noted that “the 1927 article has become a legend in black history.”4 Ninety years after Frazier's article was published, a professor of African and African American Studies wrote about the article in an opinion column, “The Pathology of Delusion,” denouncing racist threats against Black scholars.5It is clear that as the hundred-year anniversary of Frazier's article approaches, it continues to resonate. At the same time, few scholars have examined Frazier's 1927 article or the circumstances surrounding its publication in depth. This lack of attention reflects the hybrid nature of the piece, as well as scholars’ neglect of Frazier's early writings, which have tended to be overshadowed by his later works such The Negro Family in the United States and The Black Bourgeoisie. Frazier's importance to American sociology justifies this attention to his later writings, but overemphasizing them contributes to diminishing Frazier's radicalism and militancy and overlooking how the radical ideals of his earlier writings continued to infuse his later publications. In the 1920s, before he earned his doctorate from the University of Chicago, Frazier had already developed a radical critique of Black oppression in the United States, reflecting and contributing to the reenergized “New Negro” trend in Black politics and culture in the 1920s. Although the term encompasses divergent thinkers from Black nationalists like Marcus Garvey to socialists like A. Philip Randolph, New Negro writers emphasized Black self-respect and rejected the idea that Black people were psychologically or psychiatrically damaged.6 “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” reiterates themes central to Frazier's radial vision.Rather than being the precipitous event that is often depicted, the article's publication reflected the culmination of years of tension between Frazier and the leadership of the Atlanta School of Social Work over the reality of racial segregation as well as themes that Frazier had been developing for several years. The present article examines the controversy around the publication of “The Pathology of Race Prejudice,” and argues that the value of Frazier's article is not its psychological examination of sex and racism, but its satire of Jim Crow attitudes and parody of racist social scientific writing. Because the article was written before Frazier began studying at the University of Chicago, understanding the article and the context in which it was written illuminates Frazier's radical early writings and their importance for his later thought. Rather than being a one-off attempt at humor or an angry retort to his soon-to-be former colleagues at the Atlanta School of Social Work, the article embodies themes that were central to Frazier's writings before and after. The purpose of the 1927 article was not to argue that Southern Whites were insane, but to highlight that race relations in the United States were not natural or logical.Not all scholars have oversimplified “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” or ignored its connection to Frazier's other writings. Anthony M. Platt's E. Franklin Frazier Reconsidered notes that of Frazier's writings of the time, this “was the most controversial and evoked the most discussion and debate.”7 Erin D. Chapman's Prove It On Me: New Negroes, Sex, and Popular Culture provides an incisive analysis of the article. After connecting Frazier's article to the tradition of Ida B. Well's anti-lynching classic Southern Horrors, Chapman situates the article in the context of Black politics of the 1920s, describing it as a “particularly explicit and unequivocal expression of New Negro progressivism.” Chapman stresses the gender aspects of the article, asserting that “Frazier's emphasis on manhood and defense of black men's patriarchal prerogatives and domains, including black women's bodies, were also emblematic of New Negro imperatives.” Unlike more cursory treatments, Platt and Chapman have contextualized Frazier's article, including its earlier origins. Although Platt and Chapman recognize the satirical nature of Frazier's article, neither provides a deeper analysis of the article, which is understandable because they deal with the article in the context of broader projects.8 The current article attempts to provide such a deeper analysis. Examining “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” helps better frame Frazier's radicalism, locating the roots of themes that he developed in his mature writings in his writings from the 1920s. It also anchors the radicalism of these earlier writings in a broader Black radical tradition.Frazier's article asserted that “the behavior motivated by race prejudice shows precisely the same characteristics as that ascribed to insanity.” Frazier labeled this “the Negro-complex,” which, he argued, was not innate, but “an acquired psychological reaction.” He observed how “the Negro-complex obtrudes itself on all planes of thought,” for example, when Whites oppose health programs, the selective draft, or woman suffrage, because these would benefit Blacks. Racists cannot be disabused of their racism through appeal to facts, because “just as the lunatic seizes upon every fact to support his delusional system, the white man seizes myths and unfounded rumors to support his delusion about the Negro.” Instead of treating racism as natural part of human existence, Frazier declared “certain manifestations of race prejudice” are “abnormal behavior.”9The most controversial aspect of the piece is Frazier's emphasis on interracial sex. “When,” Frazier wrote, “two systems of incompatible ideas cannot be kept from conflict, the insane man reconciles them through the process of rationalization. Through this same process of rationalization the Southern White man creates defenses for his immoral acts, and lynching becomes a holy defense of womanhood.” Frazier asserted, “The energetic measures which Southerners use to prevent legal unions of white with colored people look suspiciously like compensatory reactions for their own frustrated desires for such unions.” He added: Where the conflict between the personality as a whole and the unacceptable complex is not resolved within the mind of the subject, the extremely repugnant system of dissociated ideas is projected upon some real or imaginary individual. Except in the case of those who, as we have seen, charge the Negro with an inherent impulse to rape as an unconscious defense of their own murderous impulses, the persistence,—in the face of contrary evidence,—of the delusion that the Negro is a ravisher can only be taken as a projection. According to this view, the Southern white man, who has,—arbitrarily without censure,—enjoyed the right to use colored women, projects this insistent desire upon the Negro when it is no longer socially approved, and his conscious personality likewise rejects it.10Frazier then turned to sexual relations between White women and Black men: “Hallucinations often represent unacceptable sexual desires which are projected when they can no longer be repressed. In the South a desire on the part of a white woman for a Negro that could no longer be repressed would most likely be projected,—especially when such a desire is supposed to be as horrible as incest. It is not unlikely, therefore, that imaginary attacks by Negroes are often projected wishes.”11 In other words, Frazier wrote, White Southerners’ racism resulted from repressed sexual attraction towards Black people that was projected onto Black people themselves. The argument that White women are in a constant state of lust for Black men inverts the standard racist argument that all Black men are in a constant state of lust for White women. This inversion highlights the importance (and hypocrisy) of the sexual blood line that underscores Black oppression in the United States. Frazier's point is the absurdity of race relations in the United States. It is the entire system of race relations that is pathological and the broader social insanity is that most people (not just “the population of the asylum”) accept this as natural. The piece's radicalism, then, is not Frazier's provocative argument about sex, but how he uses these to expose the pretensions of scientific reality of race relations.Newspapers as far as Canada and California excerpted Frazier's article, but the strongest reaction was closer to home.12 On June 10, veteran White Southern journalist Sam W. Small highlighted the article in his column in the Atlanta Constitution. Small began by asserting “the inescapable fact” of the inevitability of racism: “Not before the world is consumed by fervent heat . . . will there be understanding and accord between the white and negro races of America.” Small (whose dialect sketches in the Constitution in the 1870s have been credited with being the prototype for the Uncle Remus character) left clear his own views, describing himself as a man “born here in the south on premises swarming with negro slaves, who grew up in daily contact with them, saw them emancipated, has lived here in Atlanta for more than 66 years . . . and whose only prejudice against the negro is that I prefer not to eat and sleep with him.” After quoting The Forum's description of Frazier, including his full name and job title, Small quoted several paragraphs from Frazier's article, dismissing it as “unimportant, because as circumstantial as it is unscientific.” Small added: “But there is one argument in it that is revolting for its suggestions.” He continued: “This suggestion that the primarily guilty party in case of sexual outrage by negroes upon white women is the white woman herself through the intangible incitement of her own desire, is the vilest that this writer has ever encountered in his lifetime. The author of it is evidently more insane by reason of his anti-white complex than any southerner obsessed by his anti-negro complex.”13Two weeks later, the Baltimore Afro-America ran an article under the front-page headline, “School Head Flees Dixie Lynchers.” The paper from Frazier's hometown wrote, “Following the appearance of the article on the news stands, local newspapers published references to it and whites over the telephone threatened Mr. Frazier with a lynching. Friends hurried him out of town.” According to the paper, the Fraziers escaped to Baltimore, then moved to Chicago.The article asserted, “Frazier has been forced out of the principalship of the Atlanta School of Social Service after five years’ service” because “trustees of the school felt that his ideas on race equality were too far advanced for the South.”14 A month later the paper reprinted a statement from the Board of Trustees of the Atlanta School of Social Work that clarified that the Board decided to replace Frazier in January, but Frazier refused to resign. “If the Atlanta School of Social Work had been disposed to remove Mr. Frazier because of any of his magazine articles or his personal views,” the statement read, “it could have done so long ago. . . . As a matter of fact, Mr. Frazier was asked to resign because he did not prove as effective an executive and administrator as was needed.”15 Filled with bureaucratic jargon, the statement, buried on an inside page, did little to dampen the legend of Frazier's escape from Atlanta.In late August, Sam Small's column in the Constitution again turned to Frazier's article. Small denounced the article as “strongly offensive to southern readers.” Small claimed “race prejudice” against Black people in the South was natural and inevitable, adding: “The psychogenesis of it is instinctive race repulsion and the function of it is the inhibition of inter-racial social equality.” Small described Reconstruction, the period of interracial democracy after the Civil War, as the root of current Southern race problems and “since then ‘white supremacy’ has become with us as cardinal principle as any in science or religion.” Small took aim at Frazier's central argument: “The lynching in the south of more negroes than whites is proffered as proof as race prejudice having a psychosis of insanity. That theory is ridiculous. A lynching that would be an act of insanity would be a guiltless act; but a lynching is never anywhere an act of insanity.” Recalling the “five mob lynchings in the south” he had covered as a journalist—two of White victims and three of Black victims—Small wrote: “In each case, the mob pulsed with a common feeling of intolerable outrage and acted with the common purpose to execute an earned penalty without awaiting the leaden-footed operation of the community's legal machinery. Lynching anywhere in our country is criminal and indefensible. That more lynchings occur in the south than other regions is true. The fact is obviously explicable. In the south more negroes commit crimes that incite mobs and the negroes that are lynched are executed because of their crimes, and not because of their color.” Small emphasized the presence of “race prejudice in the make-up of the negro” and “antipathy to the white race.”16 He cited the original Afro-American story that Frazier had been fired for the article, as if to take credit for this.“The Pathology of Race Prejudice,” was not the reason Frazier left the Atlanta School of Social Work; he had written the article years earlier and had already resigned his position at the school to study at the University of Chicago when it was finally published. Instead, the article was the culmination of several years of conflict between Frazier and the Board. The Atlanta School did not fire Frazier because of “The Pathology of Race Prejudice,” but the article encapsulated the differences between Frazier's radicalism and the Board of Trustees’ conservatism. Furthermore, the article, and the image of it causing Frazier to lose his job and having to flee Atlanta one step ahead of the Klan, solidified Frazier's reputation as a defiant opponent of Jim Crow, a “race man” who asserted his manhood in the face of Klan terror. The press coverage of Frazier's article made Frazier infamous. Fellow sociologist Charles Johnson wrote to Frazier, “everywhere I went [in Atlanta] the colored populace was asking, ‘Have you read Frazier's farewell to the South.’”17Today Frazier is remembered as a leading sociologist of Black America, but in the 1920s he was beginning his academic career. Frazier graduated from Howard University in 1916 and taught mathematics for a year at Tuskegee, then taught briefly in Maryland and Virginia before earning a master's degree in sociology at Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1920. Over the next several years, Frazier had fellowships at the New York School of Social Work and the University of Copenhagen. In 1922 Frazier moved to Atlanta, first to teach sociology at Morehouse College and then to become director of the Atlanta School of Social Work. In 1927—shortly after his article on “Racial Pathology” was published—Frazier left social work and enrolled in doctoral studies at the University of Chicago under the supervision of Robert Park.18The importance of Frazier's radicalism tends to be overshadowed by his later academic success. Frazier's radicalism is evident in his master's thesis, “New Currents of Thought among the Colored People of America,” which examines what would later be termed the “New Negro” movement and which Frazier refers to the “new of Black thought. This with a of Black from the of the Civil through the early Frazier, primarily on A. Philip and The the few years a school of radical has up among this trend “the most and movement ever among Frazier it to the radicalism of that was on of and the later radicalism of W. E. B. which on the of the American people and the He argues that school its by a scientific analysis of the and on the of the Negro as an and that only and can for the This radical infuses “The Pathology of Race Prejudice,” with its attempt to the scientific of race prejudice and the determination to of the that Frazier examines is which he as “the of the South defense or for the Negro even his one to what it for it be the right to a colored to or it be to the right to Frazier from The defense of in every of the that is no of on this other than that the that this is not on the of his but of our that the principle of social equality is the only of social trend of Frazier developed this in in “The Pathology of Race This to segregation and support to social equality between Black and White constant Frazier's as a and often overshadow his five years in they were in Frazier's and The segregation of the South In Atlanta, with the system, in and out of to and himself the most of the Frazier out of a of social on he a White him Frazier” or him to to the only by In an article from in The about a to the Frazier described how he had up to the rather than use a Jim Crow Frazier to his self-respect and the reality of in the Atlanta, Frazier published to the of many Frazier's Atlanta writings three The first about the Atlanta School that more than for the Atlanta School or for social work in as The articles on academic such as “The in and in Negro controversial were articles against segregation and Black written in what and style” that was and Frazier these writings against Southern and Black who to Jim Crow In “The Negro and published in The in Frazier denounced of colored people who to the of such that they the of the and who that the Negro the same as other Frazier those of the who that we are with an in American He denounced them because to against the of the of personality to the In other words, of Frazier's was to racial and social work by White and the other was to this at the Atlanta School was Although Frazier was no to racial most of his had been in Baltimore or not the According to who began at the Atlanta School several years after Frazier was in of and to some degree the to on of in the In this the Atlanta School to a of Black social and social to the Black population in Atlanta and the the other Black and the Atlanta School on the support of Black in Atlanta and from White in the Atlanta School was the first Southern school to Black social The School both men and women, had an interracial who published in and had that the Black The school upon the of sociologist W. E. B. had taught at Atlanta University in for social that the of Jim Crow its In an about Black people in published in The in June Frazier the racist but to the of the inter-racial the of those in social Frazier at a state of social as other human without being as or as is the of with Negroes who to such Frazier had one in what he would later term the Black and in Black in Atlanta in the 1920s rather than the radicalism in his master's Frazier's of Race Prejudice” reflected his feeling of in the face of According to one study of social work in Atlanta, “The of the Atlanta School of Social Work under who the and and to its own this Frazier with an White social As Anthony Platt it, was in fact race relations but could not accept Frazier's having any over from had earlier been a social in New and According to New had been run out of South as a for and of Black people was the executive of the New Negro of the which Black the article, in from an of the Black from the South with a towards these country Frazier at the Atlanta he and had and to the of After the School was in Frazier According to “Frazier and over the their at the and the of a black man to a white Frazier to the Board about long her and her racist to the white of the and in them a about Frazier's and psychological and his refusal to to southern wrote “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” years before his with in his and to leave Atlanta, contrary to what the Afro-American wrote at the and some have written In 1927 Frazier for a from the to his studies in the with his “The Pathology of Race Prejudice” as in the June The contact on the Atlanta Board of wrote to the Frazier's but that he had problems with other people and that would him likely to become an wrote two weeks later, that Frazier's in the Atlanta School of Social Work not be against him.” Although did that [Frazier] has the executive he emphasized including the fact that Frazier director of the school when its original Frazier a that would have been for to work I therefore, that his reaction to the is an that he cannot work with his other I could of the having been of Morehouse the to Frazier a and that Frazier's as director had a I a upon a that Frazier in for to work for he wrote that his at the Atlanta School when was fired because I racial equality and democracy in the Frazier's for any of or people at every of that Frazier had even In Atlanta, three the that had Frazier's because was more in such as and than he was in the to the work of the of the the are we can that Frazier was not fired because of his article, writings and had to the Atlanta desire to him the Frazier to leave with his what could have been a on his a of his and to Jim Crow and the Atlanta Black and is Frazier this “The Pathology of Race Prejudice,” is because it the most in American race the sexual line in blood and the of The inherent under made sex between White men and Black women central to The in the United States

Mormonism and White Supremacy: American Religion and the Problem of Racial Innocence

To measure interstitial glycerol and lactate production from the sc adipose tissue of two regions in nine black and nine white lean men, sc microdialysis was performed in combination with adipose tissue blood flow rates measured with 133Xe clearance. In the postabsorptive state, the plasma glucose and insulin levels of the black men and white men were similar. The black men had higher plasma free fatty acids (825+/-97 vs. 439+/-58 micromol/L; P < 0.005), glycerol (99.5+/-5.1 vs. 54.1+/-3.3 micromol/L; P < 0.0001), and lactate (1056+/-95 vs. 729+/-45 micromol/L; P < 0.01). Interstitial glycerol concentrations in the black and white men were 227 vs. 163 micromol/L (P < 0.01) and 230 vs. 162 micromol/L (P < 0.05) in the abdominal and femoral regions. The adipose tissue blood flow rate was higher in the black men in the abdominal (7.9+/-0.9 vs. 3.1+/-0.5 mL/100 g x min; P < 0.01) and femoral area (5.2+/-0.6 vs. 2.8+/-0.3; P < 0.01). Interstitial lactate concentrations in black and white men were 1976 vs. 1364 micromol/L (P < 0.004) and 1953 vs. 1321 micromol/L (P < 0.004) in the abdominal and femoral regions, respectively. Glycerol release was higher in black men vs. white men for abdominal (0.21+/-0.02 vs. 0.14+/-0.02 micromol/100 g x min; P < 0.02) and femoral (0.22+/-0.02 vs. 0.15+/-0.01; P < 0.05) areas. Postprandially, black men had higher plasma glucose levels [1 h, 9.6+/-0.4 vs. 8.2+/-0.5 mmol/L (P < 0.05); 2 h, 8.9+/-0.4 vs. 7.2+/-0.4 mmol/L (P < 0.01)], but lower plasma insulin levels [1 h, 173+/-13 vs. 264+/-48 pmol/L (P < 0.05); 2 h, 136+/-20 vs. 209+/-34 pmol/L (P < 0.05)]. Plasma free fatty acid, lactate, and glycerol levels remained higher in the black men. After 1 h, lactate release was higher in the black men vs. that in the white men for abdominal (20.5+/-1.6 vs. 14.7+/-2.5 micromol/100 g x min;P < 0.05) and femoral (15.6+/-1.1 vs. 12.1+/-1.8; P < 0.03) areas. We conclude that the black men, who are relatively insulinopenic postprandially, have a brisker lipolysis and also release more lactate from sc fat tissue than white men. These differences in adipose tissue metabolism may be related to differences in the lipid profiles and glucose metabolism previously documented in these ethnic groups.

212 Background: In the general population, black men have higher bone mineral density (BMD) and lower fracture rates than white men. Whether race influences bone loss and fracture risk during androgen deprivation therapy (ADT) for prostate cancer is unknown. Using data from a recently completed prospective, randomized, clinical trial we compared BMD and fracture rates of black and white men receiving ADT for prostate cancer. Methods: Subjects in these analyses (n=516) were members of the placebo group of a two-year randomized controlled trial of toremifene to prevent fractures in men receiving ADT for prostate cancer. All subjects resided in United States and reported their race as either black (n=68) or white (n=448). We compared baseline characteristics, including BMD and prevalent vertebral fractures, between black (n=68) and white men (n=448). We also compared changes in BMD and rates of new vertebral fractures over the two year study period. Results: Black men had higher baseline hip BMD than white men (0.98 ± 0.15 g/m2 and 0.91 ± 0.15 g/m2, respectively; p=0.001). Black men had similar BMD of the spine (1.09 ± 0.22 g/m2 and 1.11 ± 0.22 g/m2 in black and white men, respectively; p=0.51), but fewer prevalent vertebral fractures (7.4% versus 15.0%; p=0.13). Changes in BMD from baseline to 24 months were similar between black and white men (total hip percentage change −2.54 ± 0.26 in white men and −2.09 ± 0.60 in black men; p=0.55; lumbar spine percentage change −1.30 ± 0.33 in white men and −1.67 ± 0.71 in black men; p&lt;0.71). Rates of new vertebral fractures trended towards being lower in black men (1.15% of black men versus 4.83% of white men; relative risk 0.24; p&lt;0.12). Conclusions: Among men receiving ADT for prostate cancer, black men had higher baseline BMD at the hip and fewer prevalent vertebral fractures. Changes in BMD during ongoing ADT were similar for black and white men. Consistent with lower baseline risk for fracture, however, black men had fewer new vertebral fractures than white men. [Table: see text]

Background Disparities in chronic systemic inflammation among black and white women and men are well documented. However, while chronic stress domains such as discrimination and financial strain, as well as socioeconomic factors such as education, have all been linked to inflammation, more research is needed to clarify how these social determinants influence each other and contribute to inflammation. Guided by the Stress Process Model and Intersectionality, this present study assessed the mediating role of both discrimination and financial strain in the relationship between race-gender groups and inflammation (measured as elevated CRP levels). This research also examined if the potential indirect effects of discrimination and financial strain were contingent on the educational level of black and white men and women with the United States. Methods This secondary analysis focused on an analytic sample (ages 25–74) of black and white men and women (n=775) from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) Biomarkers Project (2004–2009). SPSS version 24 and PROCESS macro were used to test all mediation and moderated mediation analyses. Results Separate mediation analyses revealed that after adjusting for age and when compared to the reference category (white men), both financial strain and daily discrimination mediated the relationship between race-gender (black men, black women, and white women) and inflammation (CRP levels). That is, self-identifying as a black man, white woman, or black woman positively influenced perceptions of both everyday discrimination and financial strain, which in turn contributed to increased levels of CRP. However, when both mediators were included in the mediation model, discrimination was only significant among black men. Results of the first moderated mediation analysis indicated that the indirect effect among black men on inflammation through discrimination was significantly stronger for black men educated beyond high school. Findings from the second moderated mediation analysis findings suggested that education significantly moderated the indirect effect of race-gender on inflammation through financial strain. While this indirect effect was stronger for black men and white women with a high school degree or less; conversely, the effect was stronger for black women with educational levels that exceeded high school. Conclusion This study contributes to the literature on inflammation by further illuminating the social determinants and social patterning of inflammation among black and white women and men within the United States.

This guide accompanies the following article: Matthew W. Hughey, ‘The Janus Face of Whiteness: Toward a Cultural Sociology of White Nationalism and White Antiracism’, Sociology Compass 3/6 (2009): 920–936, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2009.00244.x Author’s introduction Over the past 20 years, the study of white racial identity has received in‐depth, interdisciplinary attention. Under sociological scrutiny, the study of whiteness has traversed quite a few stages: from understandings of whiteness as a category replete with social privileges, as a mere reflection of non‐racial (often class‐based) dynamics, to its most recent turn that emphasizes the contextual and intersectional heterogeneity of whiteness. Because of the increased attention to context and political disputes, the study of whiteness has never been more amenable to cultural analysis than it is today. Hence, an emphasis on different white racial formations that span a political spectrum – from conservative to liberal and racist to antiracist – is now dominant. In this vein, white nationalists and white antiracists represent the distinct polarities of contemporary inquisitions into white racial identity. Motivated by this academic milieu, this guide offers an overview of the major scholarship that address white nationalism &amp; white antiracism, appropriate online materials, and examples from a sample syllabus. Together, these resources aim to assist in understanding the general processes and contexts that produce ‘whiteness’ and imbue it with meaning, the social relationships and practices in which white racial identity identities become embedded, and how whiteness simultaneously possesses material and symbolic privileges alongside diverse and seemingly antagonistic experiences. Author recommends The complexity of whiteness McDermott, Monica and Frank L. Samson 2005. ‘White Racial and Ethnic Identity in the United States.’ Annual Review of Sociology 31 : 245–61. Any contemporary apprentice of the sociological study of white racial identity should read this essay. Monica McDermott and her student Frank Samson combine to provide a robust overview of the literature. They walk the tightrope of balancing both a broad coverage of the literature with the depth that key studies necessitate. In so doing, they put a finger on the key dilemma of studying white racial identity today: ‘Navigating between the long‐term staying power of white privilege and the multifarious manifestations of the experience of whiteness remains the task of the next era of research on white racial and ethnic identity’ (2005: 256). Duster, Troy 2001. ‘The ‘Morphing’ Properties of Whiteness.’ Pp. 113–33 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness , edited by E. B. Rasmussen, E. Klinenberg, I. J. Nexica and M. Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. In this essay – part of a larger volume on whiteness that I also recommend – Duster synthesizes disparate approaches to the study of whiteness. Demonstrating how some scholars understand white racial identity as a contextual and cognitive category (‘fluid’), while some frame whiteness as a structural and fixed category of material privileges (‘frozen’), Duster asks ‘who is right?’ He answers via the metaphor of whiteness‐as‐water. In one moment, whiteness can morph into vapor as a contextual and unstable identity, while the next moment it can instantly transform into a harsh and unyielding form of ice‐like privilege. Duster’s essay is an excellent retort for those who argue that we should move ‘beyond’ race to the utopian realm of color‐blind individualism. Duster demonstrates, although the example of the supposedly egalitarian New Deal, that while race is socially constructed, the legacy of racism remains a historically reproduced and real social fact – denying the existence of race perpetuates racial inequality. Duster closes the chapter with a personal anecdote that grounds the historical example in modern, interactional, and everyday life. Perry, Pamela 2002. Shades of White: White Kids and Racial Identities in High School . Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Perry gives us two ethnographic studies in one – that of two northern California high schools: one located in a predominantly white, if economically diverse, suburb, the other situated in a multiracial urban community. Perry persistently and systematically probes the complexities of white racial identity in the practices and discourses of the youth attending these high schools. She finds that whites in the predominantly white, suburban high school do not see themselves as a unique race and take their racial identity for granted – they understand distinctly white practices as normative rather than as constitutive of a subjective worldview. In contrast, the whites at the multiracial, urban high school possess a more critical and comparative view of race and their own place in the racial order. In sum, Perry argues that whiteness is a set of complex, contradictory, and multiple subject positions. Wray, Matt. 2006. Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness . Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Matt Wray brings the tools of cultural sociology viz‐á‐viz ‘symbolic boundaries’ to the interrogation of the moniker White Trash . Wray problematizes this relatively normalized term to question its origins and how it persists. Drawing upon literary texts, folklore, diaries, medical articles, and social scientific analyses from the early 1700s to the turn of the 20th century, Wray documents the multiple meanings that were projected onto poor rural whites in the United States. Of particular import, Wray demonstrates how white supremacist ideas about class and region became dominant through public health campaigns and eugenic reformations. Impoverished whites found themselves the targets of officials and activists who framed them as ‘filthy’ or “feebleminded,” and thus a threat to the purity and supremacy of the white race. This text is particularly informative for its demonstration of how white supremacist logic was not only focused on racial ‘otherness’ but used the axes of class and location to directly demarcate and attack those seen as ‘white’ yet somehow racially deficient and unworthy. Winant, Howard 2004. ‘Behind Blue Eyes: Whiteness and Contemporary U.S. Racial Politics.’ Pp. 3–16 in Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society , edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis, Linda C. Powell and April Burns. New York, NY: Routledge. In applying his now classic approach formulated in concert with Michael Omi ( Racial Formations , 1986), Howard Winant applies the ‘racial projects’ thesis to whites: ‘I think it would be beneficial to attempt to sort out alternative conceptions of whiteness, along with the politics that both flow from and inform these conceptions. … focusing on five key racial projects, which I term, far right, new right, neoconservative, neoliberal, and new abolitionist ’ (2004: 6). Hence, Winant maps a theory of white identity formation onto a bifurcated ‘culture war.’ Labeling this phenomenon ‘racial dualism as politics,’ Winant advances a paradigm in which whiteness is undergoing ‘a profound political crisis.’ Winant’s essay is especially important for those that wish to emphasize the heterogeneity of white racial identity, as he provides Weberian‐like ‘ideal types’ for the comprehension of the racial‐political landscape. Hughey, Matthew W. (forthcoming 2010). ‘Navigating the (Dis)similarities of White Racial Identities: The Conceptual Framework of “Hegemonic Whiteness.”’ Ethnic &amp; Racial Studies. In this work, I build upon many of the aforementioned studies. Like Pamela Perry (2002) I dive into two ethnographic sites, but of much different breed. To interrogate how whiteness might be akin to ‘vapor and ice’ (Duster 2001) and to provide a robust answer to the dilemma of the ‘long‐term staying power of