Grammaticalization, Language Contact, and the Emergence of a Hortative in Guaraché, a New Mixed Language in Paraguay

Abstract

This paper discusses the emergence of a hortative marker in Guaraché, a new mixed language in Paraguay, the result of language mixing of the Indigenous Aché language and Paraguayan Guaraní. After settlement on reservations, the formerly nomadic Aché hunter-gatherers began shifting to the national language Guaraní, resulting in Guaraché, which is currently learned by children as their first language. Guaraché speakers have incorporated parts of the lexicon and morphology from Aché and Guaraní into their verbal repertoires, including parts of the Guaraní inflectional morphology. Thereby, they are modeling their use of the Guaraní 1pl.in marker ja-/ña- on a specific function that it has in Guaraní, hortative mood. Neither Aché nor Guaraní have grammatical hortative markers. Such a reanalysis and transfer of only one function of ja-/ña- suggests that a novel grammatical distinction is emerging between ja-/ña- for the hortative and the free pronoun ñande/nande for all other cases of 1pl.in. This paper analyzes hortative constructions in a corpus of recordings of naturally occurring interactions from children and adults. This case of grammaticalization is a strong indicator of a gradual transformation of Guaraché from language-mixing practices into a new mixed language.