Abstract

In this paper, vowel epenthesis in Urban Hijazi Arabic is analysed as a process of gradual structural build-up. Harmonic Serialism, a derivational framework of Optimality Theory, provides the theoretical foundation to illustrate the arguments. Rather than epenthesising an entire vowel all at once, featural structure progressively increases in successive steps. This accumulation continues until the required vowel quality is achieved. Specifically, the constraint hierarchy predicts high epenthetic vowels to occur in closed syllables and the low epenthetic vowel in open syllables. The same constraint hierarchy, however, is also expected to predict both gradual epenthesis and gradual deletion. In that regard, a seemingly paradoxical situation is created when the very same intermediate vowel quality is achieved through accumulation or attrition of featural structure. This particular vowel quality, in exactly the same environment, will have to continue gaining internal structure towards epenthesis or continue losing internal structure towards deletion. Eventually, identifying the path that the derivation takes to reach a certain vowel will help to resolve the issue.

Highlights

  • Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2000, 2006, 2010, 2016) is a serial version of the parallel Optimality Theory (P-OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004; McCarthy and Prince 1993a, 1993b)

  • The discussion mainly focusses on the question of whether epenthesis can be treated as a gradual process that involves successive steps of building up the epenthetic segment’s internal structure

  • The additional minimal change [i] → [a] is not deemed optimal when the epenthetic [i] is inserted in the first place to break up a final biconsonantal cluster

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Summary

Introduction

Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2000, 2006, 2010, 2016) is a serial version of the parallel Optimality Theory (P-OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004; McCarthy and Prince 1993a, 1993b). GEN is not sanctioned to perform more than a single change to any candidate it produces This restricted scope of GEN, the commitment to minimal change, in HS may seem crippling, as natural languages have examples of surface representations that are changed more than once, i.e., differing from their underlying forms in more than one way. The explanaretivoenrsoeffdejerfceotdrivbeepyieMsntcwhCeoasfriotsh,ldya:natdsostuiodmedenestsitifhgyantahteheedthdeerirvsievatatitooifonncpoanlatshtraleiandtsi steps for deleting a simpler segmecnhtyn(oi.rem.,rateolvlyerxcspoeldnasifntoitrtuheteepgearnastumhbemsieast,ro)afnthtdhatoowsedilfelossriugdnpeaplteoetsitenhdgelyasebteocfocmonp more complex one These consequoefndceslewticoilhnlyboe(ri.eex.p,aetmontiehnxepsdilsafiuinnrththeerglwraanhmgenumataghre).ptIhnraintoctwhipielrleswuoopfrpdoss,eldoloyk gradualness are applied to vowel ewphenethersoiesfp.deenltehtieosnisoisr aeplseongthraedsiusailnrtehqeuliarensguexaagme.inIninogthMercCwaorrt. Languages 2021, 6, xtFhOiRs PsEtaEtReRmEVeInEtWis consistent with the gradfeuaatlupreasth[Ctoowloaurrd]sadndele[Otiopne.n]T, hheasotahmerorraenckoinmgpl4exofin15te argument involves the constraints *[ ] andhiMghAXv.oTwheelso[u ]tpauntdc[a n]dtihdaatteoninlywbheiacrh[tChoelobuarre] This als vowel root node of the input is deleted ([ ],→wi∅th) aisbnaorte breoortenndoedree,dhoaspttihmealleausntleosrsb*a[s]ically no Languages 2021, 6, dx oFOmRiPnEaEtResREMVIAEXW. Light (C12V) Low VowL(eiigl)hEatp.[/eb na t.hɡ ae+.sr ias h/C] ‘Va cow’ → (i) a.[/b a [. ɡ a+ ..r a h./ ] ‘]a cow/’ /→or / / ‘our[ d[ C a.ou lgo.h ut re]]r’

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