Abstract
There is limited knowledge about the traditional tsamdro management practice, particularly the building of walls and fences by the pastoral nomads of Merak and Sakteng. Conflicts related to tsamdro resource access are not a new phenomenon in Bhutanese pastoral communities. In the recent past, as an adaptive response to external economic, political, social and ecological changes, the tsamdro was nationalized. This change in policies brought a host of challenges specifically in managing the existing and building new tsamdro border structures.The objective of the study was to elucidate the motives and purposes behind the building of tsamdro structures, and to explore the historical development, significance and future of yak farming by Brokpas. We used a semi-structured questionnaire and face-to-face interview for collecting both quantitative and qualitative data from 40 yak herders opportunistically selected from both Merak and Sakteng gewogs, village block, refers to a group of villages in Bhutan Trashigang district.The study revealed that tsamdro border structures were primarily built to ensure harmony within the Brokpa society by reducing conflicts caused by livestock trespassing, but structures indirectly assisted in tsamdro management. The structures were one of the encashable family assets passed across generations and played a critical role in shaping the socio-economic developments of Brokpas. Though the tsamdro was nationalized, the Brokpas still continue to hold tsamdro ownership rights and build new tsamdro border structures to protect their livelihood. The contradiction between the government’s policy and Brokpas’ livelihood pattern will have a detrimental effect on both the social harmony of nomadic herders and the traditional tsamdro management practice. We suggest the government develop nomadic-centered policies that encourage tsamdro resource sharing within the Brokpa communities. Socio-economic development incentives are required to address the trespassing conflicts.
Highlights
Pastoralism is one of the primary sources of livelihood for mountain and rural communities throughout the world (Bagchi et al 2004; Kreutzmann 2012; Ning et al 2016; Wangchuk et al 2013, 2013; Wiener et al 2003), in developing countries
The average herd size was 52 yak heads per household, while the median number of yaks was 43.5 and 50% of households entirely depended only on yak rearing while others relied on both yak and cattle farming for their livelihood
Of the 21 households, the majority of respondents (81%; N = 17) believed the walls were built by their forefathers and were over hundred years old (Figure 5). This signified that the border structures are a gift, wisdom and legacy emanated from the soul of the Brokpas’ ancestors
Summary
Pastoralism is one of the primary sources of livelihood for mountain and rural communities throughout the world (Bagchi et al 2004; Kreutzmann 2012; Ning et al 2016; Wangchuk et al 2013, 2013; Wiener et al 2003), in developing countries. As in many countries across the Himalaya, pastoralism is an integral component of the agricultural farming system in the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan. Yak herding is the predominant pastoral practice in all mountain communities of Bhutan. The Kingdom holds 1,156 yak herding households, with over 49,617 yaks including dzo-dzom that contribute about 4% to the livestock products generated in the country (DoL 2016). Pastoral yak herding is sparsely distributed across the northern
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