Abstract

The government of India has, over the past decade, implemented the “integration” of traditional, complementary and alternative medical (TCAM) practitioners, specifically practitioners of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, Sowa-rigpa, and Homoeopathy (collectively known by the acronym AYUSH), in government health services. A range of operational and ethical challenges has manifested during this process of large health system reform. We explored the practices and perceptions of health system actors, in relation to AYUSH providers' roles in government health services in three Indian states – Kerala, Meghalaya, and Delhi. Research methods included 196 in-depth interviews with a range of health policy and system actors and beneficiaries, between February and October 2012, and review of national, state, and district-level policy documents relating to AYUSH integration. The thematic ‘framework’ approach was applied to analyze data from the interviews, and systematic content analysis performed on policy documents.We found that the roles of AYUSH providers are frequently ambiguously stated and variably interpreted, in relation to various aspects of their practice, such as outpatient care, prescribing rights, emergency duties, obstetric services, night duties, and referrals across systems of medicine. Work sharing is variously interpreted by different health system actors as complementing allopathic practice with AYUSH practice, or allopathic practice, by AYUSH providers to supplement the work of allopathic practitioners. Interactions among AYUSH practitioners and their health system colleagues frequently take place in a context of partial information, preconceived notions, power imbalances, and mistrust. In some notable instances, collegial relationships and apt divisions of responsibilities are observed. Widespread normative ambivalence around the roles of AYUSH providers, complicated by the logistical constraints prevalent in poorly resourced systems, has the potential to undermine the therapeutic practices and motivation of AYUSH providers, as well as the overall efficiency and performance of integrated health services.

Highlights

  • Findings from this study relating to the facilitators and barriers of integration of TCAM providers in the public health system of India are reported elsewhere (Nambiar et al, 2014)

  • Discrepancies among the perceptions of health system actors were greatest in regions where AYUSH providers were colocated with, and supervised by, allopathic providers, i.e., in Delhi and Meghalaya

  • The perceptions held by health system administrators, and allopathic counterparts and supervisors differed, often greatly, from the perceptions of the AYUSH providers

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Summary

Introduction

Josyula et al / Social Science & Medicine 166 (2016) 214e222 acknowledges the widespread use, accessibility, and cultural relevance of TCAM, advocates the inclusion of TCAM in public health systems for disease control and health promotion (WHO, 2002), and promotes the integration of TCAM in national healthcare systems (WHO, 2013) Many countries, such as China (Jingfeng, 1988), South Korea (Son, 1999), and Cuba (Appelbaum et al, 2006) have articulated national and sub-national policies for the integration of certain systems of TCAM into health service delivery, and for the provision and regulation of medical education, accreditation, licensing, and drug-regulation. A Draft National Policy on AYUSH is in development in 2016 (Ministry of AYUSH, 2015)

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