Abstract

The paper addresses the issue of Doubly Filled COMP effects in embedded interrogatives in West-Germanic languages, with particular attention paid to German: in these patterns, an overt interrogative operator co-occurs with an overt complementiser. Such configurations are ruled out from standard West-Germanic varieties, while they are attested in non-standard dialects. The paper argues that there are both theoretical and empirical arguments against the postulation of a Doubly Filled COMP Filter, proposing instead that the insertion of a visible complementiser in non-standard dialects in fact follows from the properties of the general syntactic paradigm in which empty complementisers are generally not possible. It is shown that doubling is not restricted to embedded constituent questions, but it may occur in polar questions as well. Further, the finiteness feature can be checked off by verb movement, as is the case in V2 patterns in German (and generally in Germanic, including historical English) and in T-to-C-movement in English. In this way, the property of V2 is linked to Doubly Filled COMP; in either case, there is no need to postulate a cartographic template with multiple projections but a minimal, merge-based model is sufficient and in fact favourable. The proposed model aims at accounting for the possible correlations between the properties of the head element and the properties of the fronted element merged as a specifier (if there is any). Finally, the observed syntactic differences between standard varieties and dialects in West Germanic can be attributed to minimal lexical differences.

Highlights

  • In Standard English, Standard German and Standard Dutch, there is no overt complementiser with an overt interrogative or relative operator

  • This paper examined Doubly Filled COMP patterns in West-Germanic interrogatives

  • I argued that Doubly Filled COMP patterns do not involve two CPs with distinct functions but there is rather a single CP, whereby a complementiser is merged with the TP, and the whoperator is merged directly, without postulating additional empty heads

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Summary

Introduction

In Standard English, Standard German and Standard Dutch, there is no overt complementiser with an overt interrogative or relative operator. The Doubly Filled COMP Filter is apparently not obeyed in main clauses (see the discussion in Koopman 2000): English demonstrates T-to-C movement in interrogatives, which makes the CP doubly filled in constituent questions, and the V2 order in German and Dutch main clauses likewise results in both the specifier and the head of the CP being filled by overt material These patterns show the relevant doubling effect across dialects and do not have “filtered” variants like (1) and (2).. The question arises how the Doubly Filled COMP Filter could be implemented in a merge-based minimalist framework, where X-bar theoretic notions can at best be taken to be descriptive designators that are derived from more elementary principles, in the vein of Kayne (1994) and Chomsky (1995) Under this view, the position of an element (specifier, head, complement) depends on (i) what its relative position is when it is merged. Doubling arises in order to fill the C, and, in particular, to lexicalise a [fin] feature on C, and this requirement is independent of whether the specifier element is overt or not: this property underlies English T-to-C movement and V2 in German and Dutch main clauses

Approaches to Doubly Filled COMP
Embedded constituent questions
Embedded polar questions
The analysis
Conclusion
Full Text
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