Gender, Politics, and Radioactivity Research in Interwar Vienna

The foregoing chapters have begun to explore the mutual influences between collective action and its political contexts. The perceptions of the social actors involved in collective action are clearly important to these influences, and often act to 'mediate' them. On the one hand, Matti Hyvarinen reveals that these perceptions can create their own 'expectational context', and, consequently, the rhetoric of collective action comes to constitute its contextual reality in some degree. On the other hand, Irmela Gorges demonstrates that cultural and institutional contexts can condition the perceptions which shape the collective generation of knowledge. This chapter seeks to develop these insights by taking a step back from collective action and the perceptions of the actors themselves, in order to examine theories of collective action (in the form of social movement theory) and the perceptions of the theorists. It will be argued that these theoretical perceptions are themselves strongly influenced by the theorists' own political and cultural contexts, and, furthermore, that these perceptions are capable of creating their own 'expectational context' - an ideal-typical world which serves the theoretical purpose of 'explaining' collective action. The problem is that this 'expectational context' of social movements may correspond little or not at all to the real political contexts where most social mobilisation now occurs. The ways that collective action in the form of social movements is 'imagined' may therefore fail to take account of the real features of the majority of these movements.

This article locates Stellenbosch zoologist, C.S. (Coert) Grobbelaar at its centre to engage the history of physical anthropology and the study of race within a particular institutional, intellectual and political context at Stellenbosch University. An engagement with Grobbelaar’s career reveals that his scientific practice was deeply entrenched in political ideology. This was shaped by Afrikaner nationalism and a home institution which emphasised its intellectual connection with Germany rather than the Commonwealth in the interwar period. The alliance with Germany ultimately shaped Grobbelaar’s disciplinary orientation as well as the disciplinary identity of physical anthropology at Stellenbosch University. Grobbelaar pursued his science in the context of Afrikaner nationalism at an institution where science was meant to serve the interests of the Afrikaner volk. During his career Grobbelaar missed profound international departures in the study of race. He could ultimately not detach his scientific practice from the political context in which it operated.

This paper reviews the concept and the corpus of English literature and its development in the context of culture and the academy from the 18 th Century onwards. I argue that the category of literature is a 'liquid' notion best understood as a form of 'social action' (after Eagleton) relevant to wider social, cultural, and political contexts that produce and 'consume' it. In the academy, through extending the notion of the institution to a wider social and political context, literature could be best understood as an 'institutional reality' reflecting perceived relations of power. Deeming literature as an ideological tribute is crucially important to arguing against the monolithic and essentialist (Anglo-American literary tradition) as embodying a universal value that still prevail in post-colonial institutions. This argument helps conceptualise and interrogate the cultural constructs embodied in English literature, in general, and the English canonical texts, in particular; it also makes it possible to refute the claim that literature transcends its local boundaries and nationalist sentiments to articulate the universal concerns and values of all people. In my approach to these claims and assumptions, I resort to a critical narrative review to the 'story' of the English literature in cultural, political, social, geographical and institutional contexts.. In academy, particularly in post-colonial settings, I conclude that the adopted literary tradition reflects a matrix of relations of power and institutional affiliations. Such conceptualisation of literature helps to challenge the claim that English literature largely embodies a humanistic enterprise of universal values and uniform human experience.

Broadly understood as repeated, intentional, and aggressive behaviors facilitated by digital technologies, cyberbullying has been identified as a significant public health concern in Australia. However, there have been critical debates about the theoretical and methodological assumptions of cyberbullying research. On the whole, this research has demonstrated an aversion to accounting for context, difference, and complexity. This insensitivity to difference is evident in the absence of nuanced accounts of Indigenous people's experiences of cyberbullying. In this chapter, we extend recent critiques of dominant approaches to cyberbullying research and argue for novel theoretical and methodological engagements with Indigenous people's experiences of cyberbullying. We review a range of literature that unpacks the many ways that social, cultural, and political life is different for Indigenous peoples. More specifically, we demonstrate there are good reasons to assume that online conflict is different for Indigenous peoples, due to diverse cultural practices and the broader political context of settler-colonialism. We argue that the standardization of scholarly approaches to cyberbullying is delimiting its ability to attend to social difference in online conflict, and we join calls for more theoretically rigorous, targeted, difference-sensitive studies into bullying.

Criminology, History of

The article proposes the analysis of the development of the philosophy of education in the Third Reich, including its theoretical origin with corresponding social, cultural and political contexts. The leading role of the political romantics is showed in this process with its educational implications. This research has a wide-spread empirical background including narrative interviews with the former participants of the educational processes which are described both on the factual and interpretative level. The semantics and linguistic preferences of national-socialism used in its philosophy of education show the pedagogical intentions grounded on the race theory. The “folk view of world” in the period of the national-social movement was later changed into the philosophy of political education and folk-political anthropology (E. Krieck), where the concept folk community with its leader (Führer) is a constitutive one and the functional education has become a priority before the intentional strategies. The deformation of bourgeois human ideal through returning to the myth of origin and Nietzsche’s concept of the superman is remarkable in the new contrary ideals of “the Soldier” (A. Baeumler) and the “Worker”(E. Jünger) used in the educational practices of the national-socialism with the priority of the functional education. The identification of the “soldier way of life” as the representation of Nordic race with the pedagogical reality had consequences in the curriculum philosophy of schools and universities, where the physical education and the race theory have displaced the traditional subjects studies and their research fields, especially after their synchronic switching on the totalitarian state, which must understand itself as the educational one created for the German race. The national-socialist political pedagogic has the features of the “total mobilization” for the total war as the free decision of young men ready to die for Hitler’s Germany. Emphasizing of the self-activities, self-control, self-aid and self-education in the national-pedagogical directives is connected with the utopian dream of automatically fulfillment of all educational plans with the intention to create a new human for the new society. The new schools organized under national-socialism have showed the regress in comparison with educational institutions of the Weimar republic, where the educational system has showed more variety and flexibility as the chaotic improvisations of the educational reformers of the Third Reich with their fiction of the educational philosophy, which was only the well-known maid of the new political theology.

This article explores the history of ‘subordination-authority-relation’ (SAR) psychotherapy, a brand of psychotherapy largely forgotten today that was introduced and practised in inter-war Vienna by the psychiatrist Erwin Stransky (1877–1962). I situate ‘SAR’ psychotherapy in the medical, cultural and political context of the inter-war period and argue that – although Stransky’s approach had little impact on historical and present-day debates and reached only a very limited number of patients – it provides a particularly clear example for the political dimensions of psychotherapy. In the early 20th century, the emerging field of psychotherapy was largely dominated by Freudian psychoanalysis and its Adlerian and Jungian offshoots. Psychotherapists’ relations with academic psychiatry were often uneasy, but the psychodynamic schools succeeded in establishing independent institutions for training and treatment. However, as this article shows, the gulf between mainstream psychiatry and psychotherapy was not as wide as many histories of the psy-disciplines in the early 20th century suggest. In inter-war Vienna, where these conflicts raged most fiercely, Stransky’s ‘SAR’ psychotherapy was intended as an academic psychiatrist’s response to the challenge posed by the emerging competitors. Moreover, Stransky also proposed a political alternative to the existing psychotherapeutic schools. Whereas psychoanalysis was a liberal project, and Adlerian individual psychology was closely affiliated with the socialist movement, ‘SAR’ psychotherapy with its focus on authority, subordination and social hierarchy tried to translate a right-wing, authoritarian understanding of society into a treatment for nervous disorders.

The ways the British planning system fosters racial disadvantage and the initiatives taken by local authorities to address such bias have been subject to a number of studies over the last 17 years. This body of research has revealed isolated examples of progressive professional practice within a general pattern of inaction and ignorance. This paper looks at how the needs of ethnic minorities have been accommodated by the planning system in Northern Ireland that has a very different institutional and political context than other parts of the UK. The nature of 'race' relations in Northern Ireland is examined and the concept of 'policy processes' is used to explain why ethnic minorities in the region face similar difficulties to those in Britain. The influence of the political and cultural context is shown to play a key role in framing the policy processes that shape patterns of discrimination. The paper suggests that a full understanding of this context is required if multiculturalism is to be fully accommo...

The ways the British planning system fosters racial disadvantage and the initiatives taken by local authorities to address such bias have been subject to a number of studies over the last 17 years. This body of research has revealed isolated examples of progressive professional practice within a general pattern of inaction and ignorance. This paper looks at how the needs of ethnic minorities have been accommodated by the planning system in Northern Ireland that has a very different institutional and political context than other parts of the UK. The nature of 'race' relations in Northern Ireland is examined and the concept of 'policy processes' is used to explain why ethnic minorities in the region face similar difficulties to those in Britain. The influence of the political and cultural context is shown to play a key role in framing the policy processes that shape patterns of discrimination. The paper suggests that a full understanding of this context is required if multiculturalism is to be fully accommodated by planning in Europe.

This article positions multidisciplinary artist Friedl Dicker-Brandeis at the center of a web that spans Vienna 1900, the Weimar Bauhaus, and interwar Vienna. Using a network metaphor to read her work, she is understood here as specialist of the ars combinatoria, in which she recombines genre and media in unexpected ways. She translates the language of photograms into painting, ecclesiastical subject matter into a machine aesthetic, adds found objects to abstract paintings, and paints allegories and scenes of distortion in the idiom of New Objectivity, all the while designing stage sets, costumes, modular furniture, toys, and interiors. While she has been the subject of renewed attention, particularly in the design world, much of her fine art has yet to be assessed. She used the idioms of twentieth-century art movements in unusual contexts, some of these very brave: in interwar Vienna, where she created Dadaistic posters to warn of fascism, she was imprisoned and interrogated. Always politically engaged, her interdisciplinary and multimedia approach to art bridged the conceptual divide between the utopian and critical responses to war during the interwar years. Such engagement with both political strains of twentieth-century modernism is rare. After integrating the interdisciplinary lessons of Vienna and the Weimar Bauhaus into her life's work, she shared these lessons with children at Terezín.

The study of social policy in Britain has traditionally focused on the development and structure of welfare services. In the case of the social administration approach this meant a fairly narrow concern with the operation and effectiveness of current social policy initiatives. More recently, social policy has been more broadly conceived and has paid attention to the wider issues of the ideologies and theories that have shaped the welfare policies and the political context in which these have developed. However, welfare policies are not just the product of a particular political or ideological context, they are also affected by the economic forces that govern the development of the society within which they are located. Indeed, because they determine the resources that are available to meet all individual and social needs, it is arguable that economic forces are the most important factor influencing both the size and scope of all social policy.

Based on archival and published sources, the author analyzes complex contexts of writing a narrative about Holy Rus’ by a well-known émigré historian. The political and ideological contexts were determined by changes in the composition and sentiments of Russian refugees after the Second World War. On the one hand, the spread of “Soviet patriotism” among some emigrants of the first wave as a result of their acknowledgement of the decisive victory of the Red Army encouraged the historian to remind them about the anti-Bolshevik origins of the post-revolutionary emigration. On the other hand, his book represented a religiously grounded ideal which could serve as the basis for cultural and historical identity of the anti-Soviet “displaced persons”. The religious context was primarily determined by the failure to unite the Orthodox jurisdictions of Russian emigrants after the World War II, which required the historian to dissociate himself from the reactionary program of protagonists of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad. The situation was further complicated by the disagreement between older and younger generations of the representatives of the “School of Parisian theology”, which characterized the academic context. As a result, Kartashev had to disassociate himself with those of his disciples who did not follow his interpretation of the Chalcedonian dogma. Last but not least, the organizational and financial contexts, which also depended on the ideological and political contexts, meant that he could not seek financial support from the American curator of Saint Sergius theological institute in Paris, but applied for it to Novitsky brothers who organized fundraising activity among Russian Orthodox emigrants in the United States to ensure publication of the book.

Purpose Based on social representation theory, this study aims to evaluate and analyze the similarities and differences between social representations of climate change held by people living in two territories, which have in common that they are exposed to coastal risks but have different socio-cultural contexts: on the one hand, Cartagena (Colombia) and on the other, Guadeloupe (French overseas department, France). Design/methodology/approach A double approach, both quantitative and qualitative, of social representation theory was adopted. The data collection was undertaken in two phases. First, the content and organization of social representation of climate change (SRCC) was examined with a quantitative study of 946 participants for both countries, followed by a qualitative study of 63 participants for both countries also. Findings The study finds unicity in the SRCC for the quantitative study. In contrast, the qualitative study highlights differences at the level of the institutional anchoring of the climate change phenomenon in these two different socioeconomic and political contexts. Practical implications These results are relevant for a reflection in terms of public policies for the prevention and management of collective natural risks, as well as for the promotion of ecological behavior adapted to political and ideological contexts. Originality/value The use of a multi-methodological approach (quantitative and qualitative) in the same research is valuable to confirm the importance of an in-depth study of the social representations of climate change because of the complexity of the phenomenon.

More than merely linguistic transposition, translation is a vector of power, resistance, rebellion, and even revolution. Exploring these facets of the ideology of translation, the contributors to this volume focus on the agency of translators and their activism. Spanning two centuries and reaching across the globe, the essays examine the varied activist strategies of key translators and translation movements. From silence to radical manipulation of texts, translation strategies are instrumental in significant historical interventions and cultural change. Translation plays a pivotal role in ideological dialogue and struggle, including resistance to oppression and cultural straitjackets of all types, from sexual puritanism to military dictatorships. Situated in their own space, time, history, and political contexts, translators promote ideological agendas by creating new cultural narratives, pragmatically adjusting tactics so as to maximize the social and political impact.The essays in this volume explore ways to read translations as records of cultural contestation and ideological struggle; as means of fighting censorship, physical coercion, cultural repression, and political dominance; and as texts that foster a wide variety of goals from cultural nationalism to armed confrontation. Translations are set in relief as central cultural documents rather than derivative, peripheral, or marginalized productions. They are seen as forms of ethical, political, and ideological activity rather than as mere communicative transactions or creative literary exercises. The contributors demonstrate that engaged and activist translations are performative acts within broader political and ideological contexts. The essays detail the initiative, resourcefulness, and courage of individual translators, whose willingness to put themselves on the line for social change can sometimes move the world.In addition to Maria Tymoczko, contributors include Pua'ala'okalani D. Aiu, Brian James Baer, Mona Baker, Paul F. Bandia, Georges L. Bastin, Nitsa Ben-Ari, Angela Campo, Antonia Carcelen-Estrada, Alvaro Echeverri, Denise Merkle, John Milton, and Else R.P. Vieira.

This dissertation attempts to rectify the imbalance of interwar Viennese studies by exploring both sides of the intellectual divide. Both the “red” and the “black” elements of Viennese intellectual life are examined, not as discrete entities or static, monolithic ideological formations, but as dynamic, interactive constellations of thought that reflected the rapid changes taking place in Austria, Europe and the world.32 Intellectuals were not only affected by historical events, but their ideas also helped to shape the world around them. In fact, one of the striking features of interwar Viennese was the radicalism of thought. On both the left and right, intellectuals pressed for social and economic changes that often went far beyond the demands of the Austrian political parties. The success of intellectual movements could be measured by the pervasiveness of a given group’s ideas in the public sphere and in social and political discussions. In this way, science and politics were profoundly entwined. The politicization of knowledge was dynamic and complex, however, with levels of engagement ebbing and flowing based on external factors. In “Red Vienna,” intellectual radicalism led to a gradual disillusionment with the Austro-Marxists as their socialist revolution failed to take root and the party failed to implement their ambitious scientific plans. The growing fatalism of the party did not correspond well to the progressives’ demands for action.33 Intellectuals on the right were not satisfied with Austrian developments, either. While some ultimately came to support the Austro-Fascist Ständestaat after 1934, most did not feel the government was authoritarian enough, thereby paving the road for Hitler in 1938.