Abstract
This paper explores the development of third person plural impersonal constructions into passive ones with the aim of determining the conditions most conducive to the emergence of a canonical passive, i.e. one which is both promotional (with an overt lexical subject) and agentive (with an overt agent). On the basis of cross-linguistic data it is argued that the required conditions are, on the one hand, the existence of a morphological alignment which does not distinguish between the O of a transitive clause and the S of a passive one and, on the other hand, the availability of highly grammaticalized third person plural impersonals, i.e. ones which can be used in episodic contexts and with different types of agents, among them individual and specific ones. The documented rarity of promotional passives originating from third person plural impersonal constructions is attributed to the rarity of the coincidence of the above two sets of independent factors.
Highlights
In comparison to the extensive literature on the synchronic properties of passives and the cross-linguistic variation that they exhibit, the sources of passive constructions have received relatively little attention
In embarking on this investigation I set out to answer two main questions, whether passives based on 3pl IMPs ever develop into promotional and even canonical ones and why the 3plto-passive diachronic pathway appears to be such a rare source of passive constructions
The full subjectivization of the patient is most likely in languages in which bound morphology does not constitute an obstacle to reanalysis, i.e. in languages which make no morphological distinction between the O of a transitive clause and the S of a passive one, namely languages which manifest neutral, ergative or active as opposed to accusative morphological alignment
Summary
In comparison to the extensive literature on the synchronic properties of passives and the cross-linguistic variation that they exhibit, the sources of passive constructions have received relatively little attention. 3pl IMPs are constructions with a non-referential third person plural pronominal subject such as the English they in (1) or the verbal inflection in the Polish (2a). The first relates to the fact that all the instances in question are of so-called impersonal or non-promotional passives, i.e. passives where the patient is not promoted to subject but continues to display object properties This is reflected in (5b) by the accusative as opposed to nominative case marking of inkíshú “cows”. Given the non-promotional nature of these passives the question arises whether this is incidental or whether passives originating from 3pl IMPs, as opposed to those originating from other impersonal constructions, for instance reflexive or participial ones, tend not to develop into promotional passives?6 The second point of interest with respect to the passives originating from 3pl IMPs in Nilotic and Bantu concerns the apparent rarity of the phenomenon.
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