Abstract
The role of violence in sustaining the political projects of state ruling elites in Mozambique and, more broadly, sub-Saharan Africa, remains under researched. In Mozambique, many of the authors of the literature produced in the 1980s avoided writing about the issue of Frelimo's use of violence and the numbers and identities of the victims. This article aims to fill this gap. It focuses on the continuities in Frelimo's anti-colonial and post-independence violent trajectories, and the party's efforts to depart from the practices of the preceding regime and eradicate alleged enemies from society. In the early period of independence, Frelimo depended on the politics of memory as well as on mobilisation of Mozambicans through and to violence, transitional and revolutionary justice. This culminated in 1982 with the realisation of a week-long, complex political event known as the ‘Meeting of the Compromised’, under the leadership of the late Samora Machel. By examining Machel's behaviour at this meeting and the reactions of some of those who were compromised, this article reveals the political ambivalences of Frelimo's authority in postcolonial Mozambique, in that violence both enabled the Frelimo elite to rule officially but also seriously endangered their political project and brought great suffering to the people. These contradictions helped to show the fractures and increasing disarray of Frelimo's revolutionary project and fostered Machel's own political and moral collapse.
Highlights
Formas de pensar el pasado y el self tras la ruptura colonial. Hasta aquí he descrito cómo los dos principales relatos de un pasado nacional han chocado con la indiferencia, el escepticismo o el profundo desacuerdo de un grupo de ancianos de Massinga
“Rios e estaçoes: solidariedades primárias e preteridade em Moçambique” en Manuel Villaverde Cabral, José Luis García e Helena Jerónimo (Orgs.) Razão, Tempo e Tcnologia: Estudos em homenagem a Hermínio Martins, Lisboa: ICS, 197-225
Summary
A mediados de 2006 me encontraba iniciando mi trabajo de campo etnográfico en el distrito de Massinga, donde quería investigar el arraigo y la legitimidad de las autoridades tradicionales treinta y un años después de proclamada la independencia de Mozambique (Farré, 2006, 2007; Kyed y Buur, 2006). El libro de Geffray proponía una lectura alternativa de la guerra en Mozambique: no toda la violencia venía de fuera, pues, independientemente de la injerencia extranjera, buena parte del apoyo interno que la RENAMO fue ganando a lo largo de la década de los ochenta era una respuesta a la violencia inherente al proyecto político del FRELIMO. Mientras Geffray usaba la tradición para poner en el punto de mira el autoritarismo del FRELIMO y la violencia ejercida contra su propia población, la investigación liderada por Lundin era una iniciativa ministerial que ensayaba, a partir de las autoridades tradicionales, una adaptación ideológica a la nueva hegemonía neoliberal (West & Kloeck-Jenson, 1999). En palabras de Ferrán Iniesta, “tras cincuenta años de modernidad plagiada, África retoma la palabra” (2007: 396)
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