Form of Existence and Socio-Political Trends of the Ethnic Chinese Living in Busan in the Colonial Period

Abstract

Ethnic Chinese who have entered into Korean peninsula in the first half of the 20th century have repeated an exodus escaping to China and coming back to Korea whenever there aredomestic or international political ups and downs. However, they have been living in our society as a minor and a stranger in us based on their unique diligence and distinct business ability from the colonial period to the present day. Migration and settlement of ethnic Chinese who were the ‘Diaspora in the Northeast’ in the 20th century is an issue that can be reappeared in any time in accordance with the changes of situation in Northeast Asia accompanied by the unification of Korean peninsula. This is the very fact that the importance and necessity to study the lives of Chinese, not only those who are currently living in Korea, but also those who had lived during the colonial period, raised. This paper can confirm the following things about ethnic Chinese lived in Busan. First, there were about 300 Chinese during the Japanese colonial period on average. This was less than 1% of the whole Chinese population of 42,275 in Korea. However, Chinese in Busan had land equivalent to that of in Incheon, and paid twice more business taxes than those in Gunsan in which there were similar number of Chinese. In addition, in the midst of reduced influences of Chinese due to Manbosan incident in 1931, economic power of Chinese merchants had not been diminished to the extent of having five and six fabric stores in Busanpossessed by Chinese; such as Dukchuihwa and Youpungdeok in 1934. Second, Chinese merchants in Busan who had the influences were mostly from Guandong or southern part of China. Those from Shandong were fallen behind in terms of sustainability of economic activities due to the small scaled capital. Youpungdoek(裕豊德), who were the representative figure of Shandong merchants, distinguished himself since the late 1920s. As can be seen from this, leadership of merchants from Guandong and southern parts of China was solidified and lasted for a long time. Third, in terms of housing situation, 63.7% of Chines in Busan in 1928 lived in old Cheonggwan(淸館) residents (54.5%) and adjacent Youngjujeong(9.15%). The rest were scattered in Busan city. They had better conditions than Korean in terms of housing and economics. This can be seen from the fact that they paid 10 times more house tax than Korean. 75% of them were lending other’s houses. 54.8% of them were lending houses from Japanese. Thus, there must be a significant amount of burden for them to pay the rent for the houses. Economic supremacy of Chinese in Busan can naturally become a subject of jealousy from Korean. As a result, an anti-Chinese protest had occurred in Busan in July 1931 and caused damages. Fourth, from 1933 to 1934, their economic activities had significantly been reduced and fabric stores had to close up their stores or changed the business into restaurants. This was not just a phenomena limited in Busan, but a nationwide one. The one who represented Busan in Seoul meeting for organizing Yeoseon Central Store Association(旅鮮中華商會聯合會) in February 1938 was a person named Yang Mo Min(楊牟民), who runs a high class Korean-style restaurant called Bongraegak. The fact that he was representing Busan symbolically presented the collapse of Guandong merchants and surfacing of Shandong merchants. At the late colonial period, Chines in Busan had to force into praise Japan. As a result, they were demanded the friendship between Japan, Manchuria and China at Yongdu Mountain Shrine. They had become a subject of surveillance and suspicion despite the cooperation. They sometimes had to face difficult times to be violated their property right in the process.