For a Just and Better World: Engendering Anarchism in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900—1938 by Sonia Hernández

Abstract

Reviewed by: For a Just and Better World: Engendering Anarchism in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900—1938 by Sonia Hernández Gabriela González For a Just and Better World: Engendering Anarchism in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900—1938. By Sonia Hernández. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2021. Pp. 256. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) Sonia Hernández's masterful study examines labor activism and explains the conditions that inspired workers to see anarcho-syndicalism as a path toward justice. By centering the stories and contributions of activist leaders such as Caritina Piña Montalvo, the book highlights the gendered nature of anarchism in the Mexican borderlands during the early twentieth century. Identifying Piña as "transnational labor broker" (2), Hernández takes the reader on a journey into the world that shaped the lives and ideologies of Mexicana anarchists such as organizing pioneers Luz Mendoza, Isaura Galvan, Reinalda González Parra, and later Piña. These women connected the dots of worker struggles in their own back yards with the challenges of workers around the world to claim and defend their human rights. Operating from the Gulf of Mexico region and invested in the local dynamics of the Tampico-Villa Cecilia area of the Mexican state of Tamaulipas, Piña nevertheless formed an integral part of a global nexus that found her writing in defense of workers in faraway places, such as Mexicana textile workers on strike in Gastonia, North Carolina. She did this in her capacity as secretary of correspondence of the Comité Internacional Pro-Presos Sociales, an organization dedicated to helping political prisoners. Anarchist ideas found fertile ground in a Gulf of Mexico region whose export orientation tethered it to a global economy heavily invested in oil production. Thus, the region served as a magnet for a diverse array of migrants from Mexico and around the world who were attracted to economic opportunities but also to the principle of reciprocity associated [End Page 591] with mutual aid societies. Industrialization's success hinged on the working masses, and with them came ideas and prospects for labor organizing. But as the Gastonia intervention reveals, for Mexicana activists, "the anarchist ideal of a nationless world" (3) nurtured their sense of solidarity with all workers, whether in Tamaulipas, the United States, or elsewhere. Thus, from their home communities, Piña and other activists, through an impressive anarchist print culture and correspondence, felt resonance and connection with Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), Industrial Workers of the World, and Casa del Obrero Mundial labor organizers many miles away. One of the most compelling elements of this book is its focus on transnational feminism or femenismo transfronterizo, centering theorist Gloria Anzaldùa's intersectional framework engaging race, ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality and "promoting worker unity free from state control." Hernández adds geography to the mix, reminding us that while it is critical to understand how Mexicana activists took part in a transnational workers liberation project, they also shaped local histories. These local histories stretch into the Texas-Tamaulipas border area from where early Magonista ideas existed in tandem with a developing anarcho-feminist agenda that promoted equality of the sexes. Because the women of the PLM and other radical organizations did not exist in a sexist-free world, the rhetoric of gender equity in anarcho-syndicalist circles created opportunities for women activists to challenge the sexism that inhabited even progressive organizations. Part of the brilliance of this book is how it demonstrates Caritina Piña's anarcho-feminism even as it highlights her use of maternalism to advance an agenda for labor rights. In this context, motherhood, a concept used by the Mexican state in its national unity narrative, does double duty as the anarchist driver for a call to action focused on the need for women to participate in the labor struggle. Within the context of this revolutionary motherhood, women activists could claim equality with men as they who reproduce the fighters, the defenders of families and communities. Ultimately, Piña's political usage of motherhood is described by Hernández as anarcho-maternalism, for it "directly challenged the state as the primary guarantor of women's rights" centering instead women themselves as the...