Abstract

Introduction On 20 February 2001 foot and mouth disease (FMD) was confirmed in animals at an abattoir in Essex, UK. The suspected source was soon traced to Northumberland, but by then the highly infectious disease had already spread to much of England, Wales and Southern Scotland, and the outbreak is believed to be the worst ever in the world. Infected animals and those on neighbouring farms were slaughtered, animal movements were severely restricted, footpaths and visitor attractions were closed, local government elections planned for 3 May 2001 were postponed, the General Election was, allegedly, similarly postponed, community and major sporting events were postponed or cancelled, and the Army was called in to organise the slaughter and disposal of animals in the biggest peacetime logistical challenge it had had to face (the Prime Minister, quoted in the Daily Telegraph, 4 May 2001, cited in Lowe, Edwards, & Ward, 2001). As of 9 October 2001 9515 farms had had their livestock compulsorily slaughtered, over 5.5 million animals had been killed and 139,000 farms had been in designated Infected Areas, prevented from moving animals except for slaughter (DEFRA, 2001b, p. 13). At the time of writing (late February 2002) the last known FMD case in the UK was on 30 September 2001. It therefore appears that the outbreak is now over, although its effects are still being felt, and it is time to ask what lessons can be learnt. Comparisons have been made with the last major FMD outbreak in Britain in 1967 (e.g. DEFRA, 2001a) and commentators have questioned whether lessons were learnt from then. One difference between 1967 and 2001, however, is the existence of the Internet and World Wide Web, offering a new means of informing people about a complex and changing situation. This paper therefore examines the websites of four local government institutions in Northern England: Cumbria, Durham, Northumberland and North Yorkshire County Councils. Each county was badly affected by FMD. It examines which audiences were addressed, what information was provided or omitted, and how well the audiences' needs were met. It also discusses what information was not provided, and how the sites could have been better used to offer psychological support and as tools of e-democracy. By examining how the councils communicated with and informed those affected, lessons can be learnt which are relevant to any future disruption to a community. Background Context As noted above, the first case of FMD was confirmed on 20 February 2001. A ban on meat and live animal exports was imposed on 21 February and severe restrictions on animal movements (including a total ban for 10 days) were introduced on 23 February. Unfortunately, the disease had already spread widely, so that the number of cases reported daily continued to rise, reaching a peak of 50 new cases in one day on 28 March (DEFRA, 2001b, Annex D). Animals with the disease, and those on neighbouring farms, were slaughtered and either buried or burnt. To help prevent the spread of the disease, the government and farmers' organisations asked people to keep away from the countryside and to be wary of holding countryside events or opening visitor attractions if there was any risk of contact with livestock. Local authorities (such as county councils) were given powers to make blanket closures of all footpaths in their area, which were quickly implemented. By early March almost all paths were closed, including those in towns and across woodland or arable land, which posed no risk to livestock (DEFRA, 2001b, pp 25-26). Most visitor attractions in the countryside were closed, as were car-parks, lay-bys and picnic-sites, to further discourage visitors. People duly stayed away from the countryside. Initially FMD was seen, therefore, as an animal health problem, but the response to it as such quickly led to a significant impact on activities other than livestock farming, especially countryside recreation and tourism (DEFRA, 2001b; Devon, 2001; Haskins, 2001; Lowe et al. …

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