Abstract

In recent decades, widespread poverty has been observed in the developing economies. Studies probing the relationship of development to income distribution or poverty suggest either no development effect on the extent of poverty' or a widening of inequality of incomes during the initial stages of development.2 A recent study by Dandekar and Rath of poverty in India showed the prevalence of poverty in both rural and urban areas after nearly three five-year plans, although these plans enabled India to achieve a sustained high rate of growth.3 Other studies just preceding and following confirmed and extended the major conclusion of Dandekar and Rath's study.4 While income distribution studies relate to the extent of relative poverty, studies similar to Dandekar and Rath's relate to absolute poverty. In the latter the measurement of poverty is related to calorie intake levels. In at least one study, it is related to a collection of basic goods . Recent studies at the international level give evidence of poverty in the past decade and project a further spread in the next. They too have used the calorie-based poverty line.6 In this paper I maintain that calories (or other nutrients taken singly or together) measure only one attribute of food; another is its taste. The demand for food is a joint demand for these attributes (and others like bulk, which gives a sense of fullness). I maintain that to concentrate on nutrition or calories alone leads to inaccuracy in measuring the extent of poverty. We must ask, therefore, what role food preferences play in food consumption and nutrition intake. My attempt is to understand food habits, especially at low income levels. Although measurements are given regarding food preferences,

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