Focus marking and the unavailability of inversion structures in the Bantu language Bàsàá (A43)

Abstract

In this paper, we discuss in situ and (seemingly) ex situ focusing of nominal categories in Northern Bàsàá (Bantu A43). We maintain that the clause-initial position as well as the higher degree of exhaustivity associated with the latter type of focus is due to its underlying status as the structural subject of an inverted pseudo-cleft. From a typological perspective, we argue that Northern Bàsàá is a rigid SVO language in which surface positions primarily encode thematic relations. In this respect, it differs from many of its often-discussed relatives which are characterized by their flexibility in word order and the strong influence of focus in determining it. The fact that Bàsàá can leave its focused constituents in their canonical position and that its cleft-sentences display the underlying Subject–Predicate word order indicates that in this grammar focus does not have a significant impact on word order. This difference between Bàsàá and other Bantu languages like Aghem (Grassfield), Kinyarwanda, Northern Sotho and Zulu is accounted for within Optimality Theory. Three constraints play a central role in capturing the various focusing strategies displayed by these languages: *Non-Subject/Proto-Agent, Subject=Topic and Align-Focus/Right. In this set of languages, Bàsàá is unique in placing the argument linking constraint above the two information-structural interface constraints.