First consonant deletion in constraint-based approaches

Abstract

This paper gives an analysis of the phenomenon of first consonant deletion in several versions of Optimality Theory, comparing their strong and weak points. Generally, C₁ instead of C₂ gets deleted in a VC₁C₂V sequence fed by syncope from VC₁VC₂V. A traditional parallel version of Optimality Theory (P-OT) fails to describe the phenomenon properly, even when equipped with a positional faithfulness constraint MAX(STRONG). Based on perceptional strength, MAX (STRONG) guarantees the survival of segments in a context of strong perception, that is, in prevocalic position. No allowance of intermediate derivational steps in P-OT makes MAX(STRONG) overexert its influence, failing to select a correct output. Another analysis in P-OT, Wilson (2001), is reviewed, describing the phenomenon with the help of a targeted constraint and cumulative harmonic ordering. These two additional devices are employed to compare the relationships among candidates as well as between input and output as a way out of the problem facing P-OT. On the other hand, Harmonic Serialism, a serial version of OT equipped with gradualness and harmonic improvement, provides input in each step of derivation and has no difficulty presenting a proper analysis. Presenting a path from P-OT through a targeted-constraints theory to HS, it is confirmed again that the more tightly restricted a theory is like HS, the less powerful it is, giving a better solution to a problem.