Abstract

Why and in what ways do far-right discourses engage with religion in geographies where religious belief, practice, and public influence are particularly low? This article examines religion’s salience in the rhetoric of leading right-wing populist parties in eight European countries: the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway. Based on a qualitative content analysis of various documents such as party programmes, websites, election manifestos, reports, and speeches of their leadership, the article offers insight into the functions that Christianist discourses serve for anti-immigration stances. The findings are threefold: first, they confirm previous research suggesting that while these parties embrace Christianity as a national/civilizational heritage and identity, they are also careful to avoid references to actual belief or practice. Second, the data suggests, their secularized take on Christianity rests not simply on the omission of theological content, but also on the active framing Christianity itself as an inherently secular and progressive religion conducive to democracy. Third, and finally, they starkly contrast this notion of Christianity with Islam, believed to be incompatible due to its alleged backward and violent qualities. Emphasizing religio-cultural hierarchies—rather than ethno-racial ones—plays an indispensable role in presenting a more palatable form of boundary-making against immigrants, and helps these parties mainstream by giving their nativist cause a liberal and enlightened aura. Preliminary comparisons with traditional conservative parties, moreover, reveal that while some of the latter partially embraced a similar nativism, variations remain across countries.

Highlights

  • The question of how migration and religion interrelate has been approached from a variety of perspectives in the social sciences, exploring themes such as integration policies, socioeconomic differences, gender relations, and race/ethnicity (Beckford 2016; Saunders et al 2016; Frederiks and Nagy 2016)

  • The findings reveal a threefold pattern: First, confirming previous research, they indicate that these parties embrace Christianity as a national/civilizational heritage and identity, yet they are careful to avoid references to actual belief, practice, or doctrine

  • From a larger set of political party material available online, the documents and quotes integrated into the analysis were chosen via purposive sampling based on their pertinence, representativeness, and significance in relation to the research frame on religion, with particular focus on references to Christianity and Islam

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Summary

Introduction

The question of how migration and religion interrelate has been approached from a variety of perspectives in the social sciences, exploring themes such as integration policies, socioeconomic differences, gender relations, and race/ethnicity (Beckford 2016; Saunders et al 2016; Frederiks and Nagy 2016). A related body of work has studied the increasing space religion occupies in the construction of right-wing populist rhetoric on immigrants and immigration in Western host societies This literature has focused on the multiplicity of ways in which Christianity is invoked in the nativist framing repertoires of populist movements in Europe and North America, especially in opposition to Islam (Haynes 2020; Morieson 2021). Christianism paradoxically commits to secularism and socially liberal values—such as philosemitism, gender equality, gay rights, and freedom of speech—against the illiberalism they ascribe to Muslim immigrants Their anti-Islamic discourse has been recognized as “civilizationist” as much as nationalist: Their nationalist rhetoric embeds a strong civilizational component that problematizes Islam and Muslims not as solely at odds with the nation, and for the broader progressive values of the Christian-European civilization their nation is deemed a part of, and is supposed to defend (Brubaker 2017; see Joppke 2018; Moffitt 2017; Roy 2019). The last three sections, expand on the implications of the findings through further examples and observations, offer comparisons with traditional conservative parties in these countries to better contextualize the findings, and draw conclusions for the populism, religion, and immigration literatures

Theoretical Framework
The Eight Parties in Light of the Theory
A Note on Methodology
Christianity as National and Civilizational Heritage
Christianity as Inherently Secular and Progressive
Islam as Essentially Incompatible and Dangerous
Further Observations and Discussion
Comparisons with the Mainstream Right
Conclusions
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