Financing education for children affected by conflict: Lessons from Save the Children’s Rewrite the Future campaign

Globally the access of women education is still a debatable issue in most of developing countries. This study investigated how some aspects of indigenous education affected girls’ access to secondary education in Wabena tribal in Njombe region. The study focused the role of indigenous education on girls’ community life, and its effects on girls’ access to secondary education. The study employed qualitative research approach. Data were collected through interviews, questionnaires, focus group discussions and documentary reviews. The study found out that on reaching puberty, girls were denied access to secondary education or withdrawn from secondary schools to attend initiation ceremonies locally known as liwungo/likulo, which prepared girls for marriage. After initiation ceremonies, some girls engaged themselves in sexual relations, got pregnant while others were married and hence, lost their education opportunities. Therefore, perceived gender roles on household responsibilities and farm work, kept many girls at home as additional labour instead of attending secondary education. It was suggested that the society need to be sensitized on child rights to education; bad traditional practices; beliefs as well as attitudes that discriminate against girls’ access to education. Sensation campaigns have to involve stakeholders such as the government, CBOs, NGOs and religious organizations, public meetings, seminars and conferences. Article visualizations:

Restricting NGOs: From Pushback to Accommodation

Learning for a Bright Future: Schooling, Armed Conflict, and Children’s Well‐Being

Reviewed by: Global Humanitarianism: NGOs and the Crafting of Community Chris Minnix Global Humanitarianism: NGOs and the Crafting of Community. By D. Robert Dechaine . Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005; pp v + 185. $65.00 cloth; $22.95 paper. Since the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have played a significant role in shaping the policies, agendas, and discourses of the contemporary humanitarian movement. The expanding influence of NGOs in international institutions has radically altered previous conceptions of state sovereignty and has brought discussions of cosmopolitan politics and global civil society to the forefront of international relations. In the past two decades, NGOs have utilized advances in communicative technologies and increasing access to international institutions to create dynamic, interactive spaces for international solidarity and activism. The increased visibility and influence of NGOs has inspired a large body of interdisciplinary work that has regarded them as harbingers of a growing global civil society or international community. These advancements, however, have occurred during a period where the economic and cultural forces of globalization have created significant challenges for international solidarity. In many studies of globalization, claims for the emergence of a global civil society are critiqued for ignoring the political fragmentation, economic colonization, and cultural homogenization that has accompanied this new sense of global connectedness. In Global Humanitarianism, D. Robert Dechaine presents a compelling and thorough analysis of the role of NGOs in symbolically framing and materially coordinating an international community capable of responding to the fragmentary forces of globalization through the shared discourse of universal human rights. Dechaine, a rhetorical scholar and professor of cultural studies, demonstrates the need to ground interdisciplinary discussions of international community and global civil society in the communicative practices of NGOs. In place of these terms, Dechaine suggests that "global rhetorical culture" more [End Page 157] fully captures the dynamic, discursive struggle of NGOs to symbolically frame an international community based on the public deliberation of universal humanitarian principles (18). As agents within this rhetorical culture, NGOs utilize their "symbolic resources" to "'conjure' a global humanitarian community into existence as a collective or 'people' united in the furthering of humanitarian goals" (20). NGOs frame this community in a contentious discursive context, in which their rhetoric of community is often placed in opposition to the fragmentary discourses of state sovereignty, economic globalization, and political nationalism. Human rights NGOs, as less powerful actors in international politics, utilize their rhetoric to reframe the dominant cultural and ideological terms that structure public awareness, and understanding of international politics and international community. Developing a methodology for the ideographic analysis of NGO discourse based in the work of Michael Calvin McGee, and Celeste Condit, and John Lucaites, Dechaine argues that NGOs are involved in a hegemonic, discursive struggle to construct the social reality and "public morality" of global civil society (22–3). Through his analysis of these ideographs, he traces the dynamic, contentious relationship of NGO discourse to the alternative articulations of community constructed in the discourses of states, international institutions, and other transnational actors. Humanitarian NGOs draw from a rich ideographic context that reflects the historical development of human rights norms. In his second chapter, Dechaine traces the historical genealogy of human rights and humanitarian NGOs, arguing that changing geopolitical conditions have shaped the emergence of international humanitarian NGOs and have fostered the development of global civil society. He argues that a new, universal "ethos" of international community has emerged from the human rights movement and is embodied in the ideographs of "<human dignity>, <universality>, <brotherhood>, <duty>, and <democracy>" that are constructed in The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (49). NGOs actively and dynamically frame and invoke international solidarity and community through their articulation of these ideographic terms in their campaigns and public rhetoric. The ideographs of universal human rights empower humanitarian NGOs with a universal rhetoric that can be read against discourses of political and national interest. As NGOs work to galvanize political will on the issues they address, they utilize this rhetoric to link actors across national, political, and ideological borders, symbolically framing and materially linking the actors of their rhetorical cultures. In chapters 3 and 4, Dechaine applies his ideographic analysis...

Early marriage or marriage at a young age is very prevalent among adolescents, where the occurrence of marriage is due to various factors of low access to education for children, quality of health services from reproduction, especially for girls who are lacking, there is no opportunity in the economic field , the existence of free association and also because of poverty, besides that marriage at this young age has a negative impact which can cause divorce, domestic violence, severe depression, the emergence of child labor, economic hardship and hampered education. Early marriage is a violation of children's rights, especially the right to live and grow and develop. This service activity provides an understanding of the impact of early marriage. Meanwhile, the aim is that students and students can understand the efforts to prevent early marriage in the aspects of marriage and child protection Keywords: early marriage; enhancement; prevention; adolescents;

Using a temporal approach dividing the reform process into two periods, this article explains how both Brazil and the United States were slow to respond to AIDS. However, Brazil eventually outpaced the United States in its response due to international rather than democratic pressures. Since the early 1990s, Brazil's success has been attributed to "strategic internationalization": the concomitant acceptance and rejection of global pressure for institutional change and antiretroviral treatment, respectively. The formation of tripartite partnerships among donors, AIDS officials, and nongovernmental organizations has allowed Brazil to avoid foreign aid dependency, while generating ongoing incentives for influential AIDS officials to incessantly pressure Congress for additional funding. Given the heightened international media attention, concern about Brazil's reputation has contributed to a high level of political commitment. By contrast, the United States' more isolationist relationship with the international community, its focus on leading the global financing of AIDS efforts, and the absence of tripartite partnerships have prevented political leaders from adequately responding to the ongoing urban AIDS crisis. Thus, Brazil shows that strategically working with the international health community for domestic rather than international influence is vital for a sustained and effective response to AIDS.

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

Poor-quality, or completely absent, data deny millions of children the right to an education. This is often the case in conflict-ridden areas. The 2011 Education for All Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2011b) identified four failures that are holding back progress in education and damaging millions of children’s lives: failures of protection, provision, reconstruction, and peace-building. Thus, the critical lack, and the varying quality, of data on education and on human rights violations against children during and after armed conflicts amount to what can be termed the fifth failure of the international community. This article examines how currently available data, and monitoring and evaluation systems, can be used and improved to better estimate the situation of children in conflict-affected countries, in particular with respect to education. In the light of international standards for data dissemination and data quality, it highlights the need for governments and the international community to expand our current capacity to provide general information on the impact that conflict has on education, children, parents, and schools, to ensure the right to education for millions of children living in conflict-affected countries. Such an effort would include specific steps to ensure higher data quality in terms of completeness and accuracy, timeliness, serviceability, and methodological soundness.

Changes over the past thirty years have brought access to education for children with special needs. In more recent years, there has been slow but steady development of inclusive education for children with Down syndrome. With supportive legislation to help schools provide the resources necessary to meet special educational needs, more children are being educated in their local school settings. Research indicates that appropriate education provided in inclusive settings offers the best opportunities for children with Down syndrome.

<i>“Susan Moger: She was beloved on earth”</i>—Tudor Rickards, 2017

ENVIRONMENTAL nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) proliferated throughout Latin America during the 1980s. In 1979 some four dozen nationally based organizations addressed environmental concerns. By 1993 more than five hundred regional or national groups and up to several thousand community-based organizations were active (Myers and Bucher 1989, 3). The swift rise of environmental organizations during the economically troubled 1980s seems, at first glance, poorly timed. Yet now these little-examined organizations are recognized as key actors in shaping environmental and social policies throughout Latin America (Garcia 1992; Livernash 1992; Romero 1992; Meyer 1993). To be fair, environmental conservation is not widely embraced by Latin Americans. The recent proliferation of environmental organizations suggests a broad but shallow stream of interest. As with most developing areas, concern about employment, infrastructure, services, and political repression takes precedence over environmental activism. Nature conservation has not gained the same degree of support from a population that is more interested in addressing other long-term problems (Barker 1980, 2). In some circles overt hostility toward conservation exists. Other observers contend that the developed world's focus on tropical forests is aesthetic and scientific but that their inhabitants perceive the ecosystem as their livelihood (Dickinson and Putz 1992, 265). For the poor of the developing world, economic opportunity, no matter how short-lived, will always take precedence over environmental protection. In spite of these circumstances, one can cautiously write about a burgeoning and potentially powerful environmental movement in Latin America that qualitatively differs from North American counterparts. After briefly outlining the rise of environmental organizations as part of a large ecopolitical trend, this article examines the unique context in which environmental NGOs flourish in Latin America. It argues that increased environmental awareness, frustration with governmental institutions, new sources of green funding, and the ideology of sustainable development spurred the proliferation of these NGOs. After examining the reasons for their growth, the effect of the movement is demonstrated with case studies from Mexico and Venezuela that are based on surveys, staff interviews, and secondary sources. The article concludes with observations on the advantages and limitations posed by private conservation in Latin America and on the coincidence of NGOs with prevailing ecopolitical trends. NGOS, ECOPOLITICS, AND LATIN AMERICA Concern for the environment has fostered many forms of activism. Institutionally, NGOs are among the most important participants in an emerging ecopolitical hierarchy (Wood, Demko, and Mofson 1989). At the base of this hierarchy individuals and organizations are working at the local, regional, and national levels to ensure that environmental concerns receive attention. In Latin America NGOs mediate environmental action and policies at these levels. In the upper levels multilateral and global environmental policies are shaped by established international organizations such as Green Peace, World Wildlife Federation, and Friends of the Earth, which advocate actions such as global CFC reduction and trade bans on endangered species. North American environmental groups continue to have the most international influence. Yet when the United Nations Earth Summit was held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, it symbolically marked Brazil's--and by extension the region's--entry as a main participant at the global level of ecopolitics. Hosting the conference was especially important for Brazil because much concern has been directed at its ecological practices in the Amazon Basin. Although the international press has emphasized destruction of the rain forest, scant attention has been given to efforts by Brazilian agencies and NGOs to protect the many ecosystems in the country (Foresta 1991, 4). …

In Zimbabwe, the discourse on access and quality in education has been a raging one since the colonial days of bottlenecks and outright discrimination against black Zimbabweans in education. The doors to education were declared open to all at independence in 1980 with the new Zimbabwe government’s enunciated policy of education for all. It is an uncontested fact that strides were made soon after independence to address issues of quality and access in education. However, with the prosecution of the fast track land reform programme the dream for access and quality in education became a nightmare. Whilst trust schools, boarding schools, urban and some rural day schools have a comparative advantage in terms of resources like infrastructure and qualified and relatively motivated human resource, emerging resettlement schools bear the brunt of hastened and impromptu establishment. It is the contention of this paper that resettlement schools like Zvivingwi, established in the last decade, are a facade of the schools envisioned by many Zimbabweans at independence. These schools reel from abject shortage of everything except pupils. It would be recommended that government should show creativity in mobilising resources to intervene, failing which, most of the resettlement schools like Zvivingwi, risk closure as public confidence in them wanes. The researcher made use of a questionnaire and interviewed critical stakeholders at the school like headmaster, teachers, parents, pupils and education officers. School records and other critical documents were also made use of.

ABSTRACTFor more than half a century, the recognition of education by the international community as a social transformative tool and a fundamental human right has found strong affirmations in conventions, statutes and resolutions. The inception of the Sustainable Development Goals (2015–2030), as a sequel to the Millennium Development Goals (2000–2015) for instance acknowledges education as an indispensable conduit for people to realize their capabilities whiles completing primary school cycle. However, while the international community is yet to realise the potential of education as a catalyst for development, greater inequalities in access to education in the face of heightening social, economic, political and cultural challenges exist for different social classes in different parts of developing countries, precisely Ghana. The paper sought to investigate the challenges to basic education access and inclusiveness in Ghana. The study was conducted in two (2) selected districts each in some six（6）purposefully sampled regions against the backdrop of the 2015 Ghana Poverty Mapping Report. Relying on field gathered data, the study data analysis revealed that access to education in the study areas are chiefly poverty induced. It also found out that, the lack of a sustainable education policy and political will, coupled with incessant political interferences in education by governments over the years has been deleterious to education access in Ghana. The study concluded that merit-based poverty considerations, and the introduction of social policy interventions is crucial to increasing access to education. It is therefore pertinent for Government, Non-Governmental Organisations and Civil Society Organisations, Corporate bodies and other stakeholders alike to reignite their commitment to ensuring the extensive extension of assistance to the needy, whiles pushing for the implementation of pro-poor policies aimed at increasing access and equity/inclusiveness relative to basic education in Ghana.

One and a half billion people live in conflict-affected and fragile states. At the last estimate in 2012, 172 million people were directly affected by war, including refugees, internally displaced people and those who were affected but did not flee. (1,2) Children are twice as likely to be malnourished and twice as likely to die by the age of five years in low-income countries affected by conflict compared with similar but stable countries. Their families are twice as likely to live without clean water. (3) Conflict does more than short-term damage; it decimates a country's infrastructure and impairs the social contract between the state and citizens. Food supplies are disrupted; health services collapse. Pregnant women and people who are ill do not receive the life-saving services they need. (4) Less often measured are the long-term consequences of conflict on people's mental health and social functioning. People made vulnerable by conflict are being bypassed by global progress. The World Bank warned in 2011 that no low-income, conflict-affected country was on course to achieve any of the millennium development goals (MDGs). (3) Indeed, four years later, of 55 conflict-affected and fragile states, 37 (67%) had met only two or fewer of the 15 MDG targets. (5) The inequity is not simply about the differences between stable and unstable countries. Even within countries, conflict-affected areas fare worse than areas with less or no conflict. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, under-five mortality in the conflict-affected South Kivu province is nearly double that of Kinshasa province. (6) Despite this experience, the sustainable development goals (SDGs) for the year 2030 include barely more guidance on conflict than did the MDGs, which did not specifically mention conflict. SDG 16 explicitly recognizes the need to resolve conflict and mitigate its circumstances, but this intention does not translate into specific action points for other SDGs, such as SDG 3, which focuses on health. Unless we learn how to achieve the targets in conflict settings, the benefits of the SDGs will not reach many of the people who need them most. The first question is whether the list of 17 SDGs and 169 targets should be adapted by each country. There is experience of simpler, more modest goals being associated with greater success. In Afghanistan, the government and its partners worked together to adapt the MDGs to meet their needs, setting more realistic interim targets and agreeing on objectives and approaches adapted to the country's unique realities. (7) Methods of measurement need to be realistic too. Widely used mechanisms to monitor progress in health at a national scale, such as the demographic and health surveys and the multiple indicator cluster surveys, sometimes leave out whole conflict-affected areas and routinely exclude internally displaced persons and refugees. (8) There are alternatives, such as data collected by nongovernmental organizations that work in conflict zones. These data, which are collected to identify needs and monitor the progress of humanitarian interventions, are arguably underused for monitoring development goals. (8) Population data are also scarce among displaced and disrupted communities, although humanitarian organizations commonly conduct and update small-scale censuses of difficult-to-access areas. Using these sources, while not a solution to the problem, could be a first step towards better monitoring. We also need to be more realistic about the level of investment needed to effect even modest changes. Conflict-affected countries often have greater needs both in terms of capital costs to rebuild destroyed infrastructure and of recurring costs to operate in environments with transport and security challenges. Yet conflict-affected countries have received less investment than others. In 2012, for example, the Central African Republic received one-fifth the per-capita direct assistance for health that Malawi did. …

Social implications Social implications are as follows: social activism; girls education; collaboration; collective action; and change agent. Learning outcomes Learning outcomes are as follows: evaluate the role of a change agent in a nonprofit organization; understand collaborative partnerships in a nonprofit organization; examine how a nonprofit organization is promoting education in conflict-affected countries; understand the importance of education for girls as a basic human right; understand and discuss the threats to girls’ education in conflict-affected countries; analyze the role of Malala Yousafzai in supporting girls’ education globally; identify the challenges unique to educating girls; and explore steps that Yousafzai needs to take to ensure girls have equal access to the knowledge and skills they need to learn and lead in a world affected by the pandemic and climate change. Case overview/synopsis The case discusses social activist Malala Yousafzai’s (She) diligent efforts to promote girls’ education in conflict-affected regions globally through her not-for-profit organization Malala Fund. Co-founded in 2013, Malala Fund worked to ensure every girl globally could access 12 years of free, safe, quality education. The fund worked towards this goal by building creative partnerships and investing in its global network of education activists and advocates fighting for girls’ education in communities where most girls missed out. Malala Fund supported girls’ education programs in countries such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nigeria, India, Brazil, Ethiopia, Turkey and Lebanon. The Fund’s projects were aimed at addressing gender norms, promoting the empowerment of girls through education, imparting gender-sensitive training for teachers and raising awareness about the need for girls’ education. In 2016, the fund created the Education Champion Network to support the work of local educators and advocates to advance. Complexity academic level Post-graduate level students. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CCS 11: Strategy.