Abstract
One of the most replicated findings in neurolinguistic literature on syntax is the increase of hemodynamic activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) in response to object relative (OR) clauses compared to subject relative clauses. However, behavioral studies have shown that ORs are primarily only costly when similarity-based interference is involved and recently, Leiken and Pylkkänen (2014) showed with magnetoencephalography (MEG) that an LIFG increase at an OR gap is also dependent on such interference. However, since ORs always involve a cue indicating an upcoming dependency formation, OR dependencies could be processed already prior to the gap-site and thus show no sheer dependency effects at the gap itself. To investigate the role of gap predictability in LIFG dependency effects, this MEG study compared ORs to verb phrase ellipsis (VPE), which was used as an example of a non-predictable dependency. Additionally, we explored LIFG sensitivity to filler-gap order by including right node raising structures, in which the order of filler and gap is reverse to that of ORs and VPE. Half of the stimuli invoked similarity-based interference and half did not. Our results demonstrate that LIFG effects of dependency can be elicited regardless of whether the dependency is predictable, the stimulus materials evoke similarity-based interference, or the filler precedes the gap. Thus, contrary to our own prior data, the current findings suggest a highly general role for the LIFG in dependency interpretation that is not limited to environments involving similarity-based interference. Additionally, the millisecond time-resolution of MEG allowed for a detailed characterization of the temporal profiles of LIFG dependency effects across our three constructions, revealing that the timing of these effects is somewhat construction-specific.
Highlights
A classic finding within the cognitive neuroscience of language processing is that the comprehension of object relative (OR) clauses, such as (1), have been found to engender more hemodynamic activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG, aka “Broca’s Area”) than subject relative (SR) clauses, such as (2) (e.g., Just et al, 1996; Stromswold et al, 1996; Caplan et al, 2000, 2008; Keller et al, 2001; Constable et al, 2004)
As English-type languages show a preference for subjects to precede objects, the LIFG effect for ORs could be taken to reflect the reversal of the subject– object order
Performance was quite similar for the dependency version of each construction type: ORs (M = 76.89± 9.04%), verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) (M = 76.99± 9.20%), and right node raising (RNR) (M = 72.92± 9.61%)
Summary
A classic finding within the cognitive neuroscience of language processing is that the comprehension of object relative (OR) clauses, such as (1), have been found to engender more hemodynamic activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG, aka “Broca’s Area”) than subject relative (SR) clauses, such as (2) (e.g., Just et al, 1996; Stromswold et al, 1996; Caplan et al, 2000, 2008; Keller et al, 2001; Constable et al, 2004). It is important to note that these theories have primarily been tested using relative clause structures, such as those described above, which contain movement operations (or “transformations”) that result in a long-distance dependency between two elements It is unclear whether it is the movement process itself or the consequential relation between non-adjacent components that induces the increase in activation. If this computation takes place in the LIFG, integration of individual lexical items into the OR syntactic frame retrieved from memory might generate increased LIFG activity
Sign-in/Register to view highlights & summary Sign-in/Register to access full text options 
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
