Feminist Leisure Research in the Contemporary Era

Abstract

Feminist research within leisure studies is at a critical juncture. As formative scholars of feminist leisure research retire, we recognize need to reflect upon their significant conceptual and empirical contributions. At same time we look forward to celebrate vast array of feminist leisure scholarship that continues to chart new directions in an ever-changing field. The purpose of this special issue is to harness energy of current feminist leisure research, highlighting its breadth, depth, and diversity. Our aim is for this special issue to serve as a galvanizing force by drawing together new and established feminist leisure scholars to focus on key issues in contemporary era. In this sense, we also envisage a feminist community of scholars who can network, strategize, and take action together through both research synergies, and other more tangible ways (such as resurrecting gender and leisure group in World Leisure). Connecting with contemporary feminist debates around third wave feminism, this special issue explores intersections, transformations, and innovations in feminist ways of thinking and conducting research. Moreover, through special issue, we highlight and discuss complexities and contradictions that exist within third wave feminisms. We hope this special issue creates a space for reflection and reinvigoration of feminist debates and directions related to diverse methodologies, conceptual traditions, and ways of writing through gendered leisure. We begin with challenges we faced writing about interconnections and influence of feminist research over time.Linear Waves or Interconnected Ripples? The Perspectives and Paradoxes of Feminist ResearchFeminism, regardless of its moment in time, is fundamentally about transforming patriarchal culture and society (Snyder-Hall, 2010, p. 256). Such transformations are often summarized using a wave metaphor: first, second, and most recently, third.The first wave of feminism is understood to encompass and be primarily defined by suffragist movement, which culminated in passage of suffrage in 1920 (Shugart, 2001, p. 131). After this time, feminist movement was largely dormant until 1960s when feminists such as Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinern galvanized women around issues of abortion, sexuality, and equality (Shugart, 2001). Their actions generated a splash of social momentum for significant public visibility and recognition of a second 'wave' of feminist issues. At this point, both first and second wave were identified and labeled.Second wave feminism highlighted inequities around paid employment, unpaid household labor, childbearing and rearing, sexuality, and abortion, yet it was also perceived as mostly for White, middle class, heterosexual women. Indeed, second wave has been critiqued for excluding ethnic minority women, young women, women who do not identify as heterosexual, women of various socioeconomic brackets, and men (Dean, 2009). As a result, second wave was perceived by some as ideologically rigid, judgmental, and divisive (Snyder, 2008; 2010; Braithwaite, 2002). It bears remembering, however, that second wave feminism represents the era of feminism rooted in and shaped by 1960-1980s political (Kinser, 2004, p. 131). Nonetheless, some feminists felt dissatisfied and wanted more from social movement. Kinser explained she found herself looking for more: more sense, more liberation, more room to stretch what feminism means. [She was] able to find some of that 'more' through third-wave feminist thinking and its emphasis on feminist evolution (Kinser, 2004, p. 124).While there is some debate as to who ushered in third wave of feminism, many credit Rebecca Walker (1995) who declared in 1992, I am third wave. Building upon principles of second wave feminism (Dean, 2009), third wave is rooted in, and shaped by, political climate of mid 1980s onward (Kinser, 2004). …