Abstract

AbstractPolicy studies suggest that scientists should adopt two strategies to close the ‘evidence‐policy gap’. First, engage in political debates to help define policy problems and solutions rather than expect the evidence to speak for itself. Second, learn where the action is, form long‐term coalitions, and exploit the ‘rules of the game’ to maximise your influence in complex policy‐making systems. Both lessons can prompt major dilemmas, for many actors, about going beyond your expertise and comfort zone when engaging politically and pragmatically. Scientists should learn from feminist social policy actors who routinely (a) combine evidence with engagement to pursue social change, and (b) face tough choices about framing their aims in terms of the dominant political discourse. We use Scottish social policy as a case study, examining how feminist actors exploited the opportunity, afforded by constitutional and political reforms since 1999, to create a collaborative ‘velvet triangle’ between the government, academia, and interest groups. Their experience suggests that limited and slow policy change requires major engagement and compromise.

Highlights

  • It is common in scientific debates to bemoan an evidence-policy gap without regard to the evidence from policy studies about its cause (Cairney 2016a)

  • The activist/social movement corner of the triangle was strengthened by new policy networks and the opportunity for legislative partnerships around specific devolved issues, such as the desire to strengthen services to tackle violence against women. This gave third sector organisations such as Scottish Women’s Aid and Engender opportunities to create and sustain networks to press for policy change

  • The phrase ‘evidence-based policy-making’ offers a vision of high-quality research having a direct and immediate impact on policy. It is soon accompanied by the phrase ‘policy-based evidence’ when researchers engage in politics, face several major obstacles, and decide that the policy process is dysfunctional

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Summary

Introduction

It is common in scientific debates to bemoan an evidence-policy gap without regard to the evidence from policy studies about its cause (Cairney 2016a). Accepted for publication: July 5, 2017 is, form long-term coalitions, and exploit the ‘rules of the game’ to maximise their influence in complex policy-making systems; and, (c) understand how policy-makers combine evidence with governance principles to produce models of evidence-based policy-making These strategies prompt dilemmas about the extent to which scientists should: go beyond their expertise and downplay uncertainty to pursue their normative preferences; form alliances with actors that share only some of their preferences; and, frame their position as consistent with problematic government policies. The activist/social movement corner of the triangle was strengthened by new policy networks and the opportunity for legislative partnerships around specific devolved issues, such as the desire to strengthen services to tackle violence against women This gave third sector organisations such as Scottish Women’s Aid (providing services for female domestic abuse survivors) and Engender (an umbrella feminist organisation working for gender equality) opportunities to create and sustain networks to press for policy change. Women’s poverty and gender inequality have become part of the Scottish policy ‘problem’ platform, based on women having ‘less access to income and other material resources, less time that is their own, less political power, and have one in five chance of experiencing domestic abuse in their lives’ (Strategic Group on Women 2003: 6)

A Velvet Triangle Strategy and its Limited Effect: A Cautionary Tale?
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