Abstract
Abstract It is more than 20 years since Marysia Zalewski and feminist scholars posed ‘the man question’ in International Relations, repositioning the gaze from female subjectivities to a problematization of the subjecthood of man. The field of masculinity studies has developed this initial question to a deep interrogation of the relationship between maleness and violence. Yet public and policy discourse often reduce the complexity of masculinities within extremism to issues of crisis and toxicity. Governments have prioritized the prevention of extremism, particularly violent Islamism, and in so doing have produced as ‘risk’ particular racialized and marginalized men. This article asks, what are the effects of the toxic masculinity discourse in understanding the British radical right? It argues that current understandings of extremism neglect the central aim of Zalewski's ‘man’ question to destabilize the field and deconstruct patriarchy. They instead position Islamophobia—which is institutionalized in state discourse—as the responsibility of particular ‘extreme’ and ‘toxic’ groups. In particular, the article outlines two ways in which ‘toxic masculinity’ is an inadequate concept to describe activism in the anti-Islam(ist) movement the English Defence League (EDL). First, the term ‘toxic masculinity’ occludes the continuities of EDL masculinities with wider patriarchal norms; second, it neglects the role of women as significant actors in the movement. Using an ethnographic and empathetic approach to this case-study, the article explores how Zalewski's theoretical position offers a route to analysis of the ways in which masculinities and patriarchy entwine in producing power and violence; and to a discussion of masculinities that need not equate manhood with threat.
Highlights
There are a hundred or so men, perhaps a couple of dozen women, and a lot of flags and banners
What expression of masculinity is apparent here? How was I to understand this encounter, one moment in a wider research project to explore the function of gender in the contentious field of UK ‘extremism’?1 In particular, how could this semi-ethnographic project engage a feminist analysis to understand the English Defence League (EDL), an anti-Islam(ist) movement, composed largely of men, in which an opposition to western feminism is an active driver in participation? Actors involved in protest against Islam and Islamism are increasingly designated in both media discourse and UK government policy as ‘extreme’, which is to say, opposing values of democracy, the rule of law and diversity of faith.[2]
Narratives of toxicity which readily fit into pre-existing hierarchies of both class and race occlude both the range of masculine performances in the EDL and their continuities with wider patriarchy
Summary
There are a hundred or so men, perhaps a couple of dozen women, and a lot of flags and banners. Masculinity linked to (Islamist) extremism have enabled the deliberate neglect of the structural conditions producing particular identities and behaviours.[28] In their re-posing of the man question, Parpart and Zalewski noted that gendered relations still structured the global order in ways that enabled both structural and martial violence, which they recognized as ‘toxic’.29. Another ten years on, ‘toxicity’ has a fresh resonance for a new age of populism, informed by the events of 9/11. Vieten and Scott Poynting, ‘Contemporary far-right racist populism in Europe’, Journal of Intercultural Studies 37: 6, 2016, pp. 533–40; Anoosh Chakelian, ‘Populist fascism is coming to the UK: who is fighting against it?’, New Statesman, 9 Aug. 2018, https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk/2018/08/popu-
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