Abstract

In 1994, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) included “culture-bound syndromes” in its classification of psychiatric disorders and associated them with disease processes that manifest in behavioural or thought disorders that develop within a given cultural context. This study examines the definitions, explanatory models, signs and symptoms, and healthcare-seeking behaviours common to Fang culture-bound syndromes (i.e., kong, eluma, witchcraft, mibili, mikug, and nsamadalu). The Fang ethnic group is the majority ethnic group in Equatorial Guinea. From September 2012 to January 2013, 45 key Fang informants were selected, including community leaders, tribal elders, healthcare workers, traditional healers, and non-Catholic pastors in 39 of 724 Fang tribal villages in 6 of 13 districts in the mainland region of Equatorial Guinea. An ethnographic approach with an emic-etic perspective was employed. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews, participant observation and a questionnaire that included DHS6 key indicators. Interviews were designed based on the Cultural Formulation form in the DSM-5 and explored the definition of Fang cultural syndromes, symptoms, cultural perceptions of cause, and current help-seeking. Participants defined “Fang culture-bound syndromes" as those diseases that cannot be cured, treated, or diagnosed by science. Such syndromes present with the same signs and symptoms as diseases identified by Western medicine. However, they arise because of the actions of enemies, because of the actions of spirits or ancestors, as punishments for disregarding the law of God, because of the violation of sexual or dietary taboos, or because of the violation of a Fang rite of passage, the dzas, which is celebrated at birth. Six Fang culture-bound syndromes were included in the study: 1) Eluma, a disease that is targeted at the victim out of envy and starts out with sharp, intense, focussed pain and aggressiveness; 2) Witchcraft, characterized by isolation from the outside, socially maladaptive behaviour, and the use of hallucinogenic substances; 3) Kong, which is common among the wealthy class and manifests as a disconnection from the environment and a lack of vital energy; 4) Mibili, a possession by evil spirits that manifests through visual and auditory hallucinations; 5) Mikug, which appears after a person has had contact with human bones in a ritual; and 6) Nsamadalu, which emerges after a traumatic process caused by violating traditions through having sexual relations with one’s sister or brother. The therapeutic resources of choice for addressing Fang culture-bound syndromes were traditional Fang medicine and the religious practices of the Bethany and Pentecostal churches, among others. Among African ethnic groups, symbolism, the weight of tradition, and the principle of chance in health and disease are underlying factors in the presentation of certain diseases, which in ethno-psychiatry are now referred to as culture-bound syndromes. In this study, traditional healers, elders, healthcare professionals, religious figures, and leaders of the Fang community in Equatorial Guinea referred to six such cultural syndromes: eluma, witchcraft, kong, mibili, mikug, and nsamadalu. In the absence of a multidisciplinary approach to mental illness in the country, the Fang ethnic group seeks healthcare for culture-bound syndromes from traditional healing and religious rites in the Evangelical faiths.

Highlights

  • Coupled with rising immigration, the growth of cultural diversity and globalization led to the inclusion of “culture-bound syndromes” in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)-IV, first published in 1994

  • We might mention koro in eastern Asia [8], latah in Malaysia, or zarspirit [9,10,11] which are similar to the syndromes presented here. In his treatise "The Anthropology of Disease," Francois Laplantine [12] wrote, “in all societies, along with implicit concepts about disease, we find interpretive models constructed by different cultures." He argues that we have successively moved from theological and legal explanations to medical and biological ones and to a multidimensional aetiology in which the social sphere predominates

  • The aim of this paper is to review common Fang cultural syndromes in Equatorial Guinea and describe the Fang syndromes, symptom presentation and healthcare-seeking behaviour from diverse perspectives: Fang community leaders, Fang tribal elders, healthcare workers, Fang traditional healers and non-Catholic pastors

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Summary

Introduction

The growth of cultural diversity and globalization led to the inclusion of “culture-bound syndromes” in the DSM-IV, first published in 1994. Mental health professionals in Western countries often identify nonspecific symptoms, "patterns of aberrant behaviour," health problems, and altered thinking, which patients attribute to a symbolic scheme, a social representation of disease, or cultural patterns rather than to a biomedical construct of disease. In none of these cases are such schemes related to the diagnostic categories published in the DSM-V[5,6,7]. We might mention koro in eastern Asia [8], latah in Malaysia, or zarspirit [9,10,11] which are similar to the syndromes presented here

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