Abstract

Eighteenth-century naval ships were impressive infrastructures, but subjected to extraordinary strain. To assist with their "voyage repairs," the Royal Navy gradually established numerous overseas bases, displaying the power, reach, and ruthless logistical efficiency of the British state. This article, however, is concerned with what happened where no such bases (yet) existed, in parts of the world falling in between areas of direct British administration, control, or influence. The specific restrictions imposed by technology and infrastructures have been studied by historians interested in naval strategy, but they can also help to reframe national narratives of power or observe the transnational interactions surrounding access to knowledge and resources. This paper discusses the material, cultural, and diplomatic constraints that could appear when vessels, and especially "discovery ships," sailed in strange waters or sought technical assistance in allied ports. I argue that the "mortification" of some commanders at their vessels' unfitness for service was an important - and often neglected - element on the palette of emotions undergone by voyagers, capturing their strong sense of ultimate material powerlessness. Such frustration even became embedded in imperial cartography, as shown by the case study of Matthew Flinders. This perspective highlights the limits of naval technology, complicating imperialistic "success stories" and better reintegrating the navy into the history of maritime travel and transportation, from which it is often singled out.

Highlights

  • In August 2018, to commemorate the 250th anniversary of James Cook’s first Pacific voyage, the British Royal Mail released a set of ten special stamps, remembering the achievements of the expedition

  • Most exploration voyages sponsored by the Royal Navy in the second half of the eighteenth century met with considerable infrastructural issues, forcing the commanders to rely on their crews’ carpentering and manufacturing skills, or on the assistance of authorities in remote settlements of other European powers

  • 85. Sources“Precursors,” 31 (note 24); Hawkesworth, Account, Vol I, pp.[3, 139, 364, 519, 526, 668] (note 2); Wallis, Carteret’s Voyage, Vol I, pp.[31, 108]; Vol II, p.441 (note 40); “Timeline of James Cook’s Voyages,” British Library [accessed 26/10/2020]; Beaglehole, Journals, p.477 (note 1); RGO 14/56, Log Book of HMS Adventure; Goodwin, Nelson’s Arctic Voyage, pp.[140, 258, 265] (note 24); Cook and King, Voyage, Vol I, p.39 (note 50); Douglas Oliver, Return to Tahiti: Bligh’s Second Breadfruit Voyage (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1988), pp.19, 257; [Vancouver], Voyage, Vol I, p.4; Vol III, pp.[480, 489] (note 35); Broughton, Voyage, p.5 (note 42); Flinders, Voyage, Vol I, p.17 (note 54)

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Summary

Introduction

In August 2018, to commemorate the 250th anniversary of James Cook’s first Pacific voyage, the British Royal Mail released a set of ten special stamps, remembering the achievements of the expedition. Most exploration voyages sponsored by the Royal Navy in the second half of the eighteenth century met with considerable infrastructural issues, forcing the commanders to rely on their crews’ carpentering and manufacturing skills, or on the assistance of authorities in remote settlements of other European powers After his expedition in the north-western Pacific, Captain George Vancouver extolled the “friendly and hospitable reception” of the Spanish in California: this included free supplies and, when his own armorer ran away, in January 1793, the very generous loan of the only trained smith in the Monterrey establishment, which solved an otherwise significant material problem. Through the slow, limping black track of the sloop, the deficiencies of his patrons are engraved into the chart, which tells, next to the grand narrative of British power impressing commuters at Euston, a more subversive story subtly undermining it

Conclusion
85. Sources
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