Abstract

AbstractThis article develops a political articulation-based explanation of divergence in democratic inclusion between two champions of liberal democracy in Latin America: Chile and Uruguay. Political articulation scholars depart from the traditional reflection models of political parties as mere expression of preexisting social cleavages, highlighting the relative autonomy of parties’ practices and their strategic role in structuring state-society relations. My work extends this current trend in comparative-historical sociology to the Latin American Left turn after the demise of the market-fundamentalist Washington Consensus, empirically identifying a set of strategies that boost Left parties’ capacity to articulate on a specifically class basis. These strategies, I argue, are endowed with causal efficacy, driving democratic variation beyond the restrictions and opportunities of the institutional environment. Combining process tracing account of historical sequences with my own analyses of labor statistics, protest events, and party linkages and manifestos, I show that differences in Left parties’ ability to build linkages with labor and advance its institutional representation as a class actor are at the root of the divergence in political inclusion between these two countries. This finding has substantial implications for contemporary democratic theory: after neoliberalism, strongly organized mass parties of the Left may not be a necessary condition for a given democracy’s stability and consolidation, but they may be a sufficient condition for a particular democracy’s realization of the normative ideal of political equality.

Highlights

  • Strong capitalist democracies may differ widely in the political inclusion of the powerless

  • Left parties in Uruguay and Chile are both rooted in a similar tradition and share a common history of political mobilization, repression, and reincorporation into democracy, they have evolved into very different kinds of organizations, adopting markedly divergent strategic orientations

  • That parties’ practices are endowed with sociologically consequential historical agency is, the central claim of political articulation theory: “events generated by parties at particular historical moments can redefine the rules of the game and transform rather than merely translate the class struggle generated by underlying social structural variables” (Desai 2002: 625)

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Summary

Introduction

Strong capitalist democracies may differ widely in the political inclusion of the powerless. My central claim is that the root of divergence in democratic inclusion between these two otherwise comparable polities is whether, after redemocratization, Uruguay’s and Chile’s institutionalized Left parties developed as mass-based organizations that strengthened the power of the labor movement and its allies, contributing to the making of more or less robust democratic practices.

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