Abstract

The problem of the characterization of Ga nominals whose plurals end in ji [dzu] is examined from a diachronic point of view. In the first five sections, it is argued that they derive from Proto-Ga-Dangme singular forms of shape CVCV, and the second syllables have undergone a process of segmental attrition and rhythmic change, in consequence of vowel and syllable weakening. The results of these processes, which account for the Ga innovation of ji plurals, have been very different depending on whether the syllable was final, as in the singular, or followed by the plural suffix, which may represent a retention from common GurKwa. The same processes also had different results in Dan gme, which seems never to have had ji plurals. Details of apparent exceptions and attendant problems are dealt with in sections 6 and 7. The historical record provides evidence that the distribution of ji plurals has changed during the past three centuries, that there must have been considerable interdialectal borrowing in the early stages of the differentiation of Proto-Ga-Dangme, and that some superficially regular Ga reflexes of Proto-Ga-Dangme nominals are in fact highly problematic.

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