Abstract

This article revisits the long-standing issue of the alternation between wh-in-situ and wh-ex-situ questions in French in the light of diglossia and cross-linguistic data. A careful preliminary examination of the numerous wh-structures in Metropolitan French leads us to focus on Colloquial French, which undoubtedly displays both wh-in-situ and wh-ex-situ questions. Within this dataset, wh-ex-situ questions without the est-ce que ‘is it that’ marker are more permissive than in-situ regarding weak-islandhood and superiority. In a Relativized Minimality framework, we suggest that wh-ex-situ items bear an additional feature, which permits them to bypass these constraints. Colloquial French is thus a wh-in-situ language that allows for wh-ex-situ under specific conditions, like other wh-in-situ languages. Hence we argue against free variation and claim that wh-fronting is not driven by a wh-feature, but by another feature. Exploring the contexts where wh-ex-situ is licensed, we highlight a type of non-exhaustive contrast specific to questions, namely Exclusivity, and provide a formalization. The article therefore also contributes to the larger debate on information structure in questions.

Highlights

  • The present article discusses the common idea that wh-ex-situ is the normal/default way to form a wh-question in Colloquial Metropolitan French and argues that whex-situ is more marked than wh-in-situ

  • Colloquial French is deemed to follow the same pattern as English, and wh-in-situ questions are seen as marked, which entails that they have received most of the attention

  • The other combinations, which are quite rare in adult, oral corpora, are left for further investigation.9. This said, the article will argue against optionality between wh-ex-situ and in-situ questions, and will claim that French is a wh-in-situ language that sometimes allows for wh-ex-situ, under specific conditions, much like other wh-in-situ languages

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Summary

Preliminaries

The present article discusses the common idea that wh-ex-situ is the normal/default way to form a wh-question in Colloquial Metropolitan French and argues that whex-situ is more marked than wh-in-situ. In tackling this question, we shall. In this binary perspective, Colloquial French is deemed to follow the same pattern as English, and wh-in-situ questions are seen as marked, which entails that they have received most of the attention.. French allows variation in its wh-ex-situ questions with the possible, additional insertion of est-ce que ‘is it that’ In this contribution, in order to work from minimal pairs, we shall only consider the ex-situ qu’est-ce que ‘what is it that’ in contrast with the insitu quoi ‘what’. The other combinations (e.g., où est-ce que ‘where is it that’), which are quite rare in adult, oral corpora, are left for further investigation.9 This said, the article will argue against optionality between wh-ex-situ and in-situ questions, and will claim that French is a wh-in-situ language that sometimes allows for wh-ex-situ, under specific conditions, much like other wh-in-situ languages.

Defining Colloquial French
The diglossic hypothesis
62 Table 1 Formalizing Diglossia in child data Items
Diglossia and wh-questions
Evidence that wh-in-situ questions are unmarked questions
Islands
Strong islands
Weak islands
Relativized minimality
Superiority
Superiority and in-situ
Superiority and ex-situ
Intermediate summary
Semantic properties of wh-ex-situ questions
Exclusive pairing in child speech
Explicitly contrastive contexts
Teasing apart Contrast on the wh-item and Contrast on the non-wh-part
Formalizing an exclusivity operator
Rooth’s semantics for focus and Constant’s semantics for Contrastive Topics
A CT-feature on wh?
Hypothesis 2
Presuppositions in questions
Favoring an answer-based approach
Existential quantification and Exhaustivity
In-situ and ex-situ Answer-sets
Representing the Exclusivity operator
Findings
Conclusions
Full Text
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