EUROPEAN UNION IN GLOBAL CLIMATE GOVERNANCE: TO PARIS AND BEYOND

This paper examines the persuasive rhetoric used in political speeches at United Nations Climate Change Conferences. It addresses the significant global challenge of climate change and the pivotal role of the United Nations Climate Change Conference (UNCCC) and related events like the United Nations Climate Action Summit and World Earth Day in formulating policies and action plans through international cooperation. The study focuses on the rhetorical techniques employed in these speeches which not only enhance the persuasive impact of the speeches but also contribute to their artistic and expressive quality. Despite extensive research on political speeches within the UN context, there’s a noticeable research gap in examining persuasive rhetoric beyond the UN platform. This paper seeks to bridge this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of persuasive rhetoric and discourse analysis in political speeches on climate change in various international and national contexts. The methodology includes a thorough review of related literature on rhetoric, communication, discourse analysis, and writing strategies. The study employs qualitative research methods, focusing on discourse and rhetorical analysis of speeches by world leaders from the seven continents at the United Nations Climate Change Conference. The research aims to understand the structures, key elements, and dominant rhetorical appeals used in these speeches. It also seeks to develop an instructional plan to enhance skills in writing persuasive texts, with significant implications for policymakers, communication specialists, and researchers in the field of climate change. In summary, this paper provides valuable insights into the persuasive strategies used in climate change speeches, offering guidance for effective communication and policy-making in addressing the challenges of climate change.

The article considers how the Paris climate change agreement of December 2015 alters the position of countries regarded as ‘developing’ under the international climate change regime. It does this by comparing their position (both as contributors to the global response to climate change and as recipients of support under the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol) with that under the Paris Agreement in the main areas of action by the international community to combat climate change. The article finds that there has been little change in some respects with the obligations of developing states to mitigate climate change and of developed states for the provision of climate finance and technology transfer not having altered significantly. Where the position of developing countries has changed markedly is in the clear expectation, expressed in several non-binding statements, that they should contribute to mitigating climate change alongside their developed counterparts with their contribution increasing progressively in line with the aspirational collective mitigation goal of zero net emissions during the second half of this century; and in the imposition of more exacting obligations to report on their actions with greater potential for pressure from peers and civil society to improve on their contributions as a result. In addition, adaptation, loss and damage, and capacity building are all given a higher profile in line with developing country demands during climate change negotiations that they should be given more weight.

At the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negoti- ations, India has repeatedly pushed for urgent international action on climate change, while simultaneously refusing to limit its own emissions, frustrating other participating countries. The extant economic and strategic interest-based expla- nations do not sufficiently explain some key anomalies in India’s international climate policy and have justified such contradictions in India’s diplomatic dis- course as realpolitik or pragmatic diplomacy. We argue that in order to facilitate India’s meaningful participation in the international climate change regime, we need to engage with these contradictions and understand India’s aspirations for moral and material leadership that stem from the complex interaction between economic and strategic interests and ideational factors. We posit that India’s anti-colonial discourse that repudiated Western materialism, along with its de- sire to be a moral power in global politics coupled with its desire to mimic the western standard of living, creates a development dilemma for India’s postcolo- nial identity in the global climate change regime. India’s continuous attempt to resolve this dilemma has produced specific frames–projecting itself as a victim, mistrust of the West, framing the Earth’s CO2 carrying capacity as extended sovereign territory, and national exceptionalism–in the climate change discourse. These frames are consistent with India’s broader foreign policy discourse as a postcolonial nation and have coalesced India’s claim to moral leadership, seek commitments from developed countries to do their part, and simultaneously play- ing a limited role in the international climate regime.

Water sprays from an open fire hydrant in Brooklyn, New York, in the midst of a July 2010 heat wave that affected much of the eastern United States.In 2007 the New York City Department of Environmental Protection first teamed up with Alianza Dominicana, a Washington Heights community organization, to educate city residents about the appropriate use of fire hydrants and other ways

The article presents an overview and analysis of international legal regulations on climate change. The authors examine how the international regime related to climate change has evolved in multilateral agreements. A special focus is put on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities which became the basis of discord among states in discussing targets and responsibilities in climate change mitigation. The authors note that in 2015 the international climate change regime entered a new stage where the most important role is determined for developing countries, both in the legal and in the financial infrastructure, and in the formation of an international climate change policy. The importance of the participation of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) in an international climate change regime has been recognized for some time. The article describes the policy and regulations on climate-related issues in BRICS. The authors compare the key actions and measures BRICS have taken for complying with international climate change documents. They highlight that global climate change action cannot be successful without BRICS countries’ involvement. BRICS must therefore make adequate efforts in emissions reduction measures and significant commitments in respect of the international climate change regime. The authors propose three major steps for BRICS to take the lead in dealing with climate change. First, BRICS need to foster further discussion and cooperation on climate issues and work out an obligatory legal framework to fight climate change collectively as well as unified legislation at their domestic levels. Second, Russia and other BRICS countries have the potential to cooperate in the field of renewable energy through the exchange of technology, investment in the sector, and the participation of their energy companies in each other’s domestic market. Assuming Russia will support the development and enhancement of renewable technologies in BRICS countries, it can take a leadership position in the group. Third, in the international process of tackling climate-related issues BRICS should act as a bloc. Russia’s distancing itself from its partners is considered a deficiency in strengthening the BRICS countries’ role in global governance. BRICS are capable of serving as a vigorous platform in driving climate change negotiations leading to effective binding regulations in 2020–2030 and, provided that the countries cooperate successfully, BRICS will carry the combined weight of the entire group in the global arena.

The climate crisis is one of the most pressing issues of our time, and communication around it has evolved into a “booming industry” over recent decades (Nerlich et al., “Theory and Language” 97). Language, in particular, influences how individuals perceive and respond to environmental challenges. Specific linguistic constructions– such as temporal framing – shape perceptions of urgency, responsibility, and impact, particularly as they relate to the climate crisis (see Weinrich). Thus, this chapter explores the complex relationship between climate change communication, language, and temporal perspectives, focusing on representations of the concept of futurity in media coverage surrounding the 2022 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP27) and the 2023 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28). Through an analysis of English-language media outlets across diverse regions, this study seeks to uncover patterns in how language, particularly with respect to futurity, may shape public perceptions of the ongoing climate crisis. Despite its relevance, the topic of how the climate crisis is represented has only recently attracted attention within ecolinguistic research, a field traditionally centered on human-nature relationships within language (Fill and Penz). Therefore, this chapter aims to bridge that gap by examining the role of future-oriented discourse in climate communication. By investigating how temporal language is used to frame climate issues in media, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of how ecological and linguistic perspectives intersect. This analysis is crucial not only for advancing climate change communication within ecolinguistics but also for enhancing public understanding of environmental issues. By examining how language frames climate discourse, this interdisciplinary approach demonstrates how strategic linguistic choices in media can encourage a more informed and proactive public response to the climate crisis.

Climate change has always been an important issue requiring international attention. The 26th United Nations Conference of Parties on Climate Change was held on October 31st, 2021, in Glasgow, Britain. Mainstream media can reflect countries' attitudes towards climate change. This paper analyzes China Daily reports on the 26th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) from functional linguistics, focusing on the change in attitude people have to COP26 and climate change. The study found that COP26 was regarded as an opportunity to handle the challenge of climate change. However, agreements are hard to reach because of conflicts of interest. Although countries eventually reached a compromise after COP26, active measures should be taken to improve climate change. This paper tries to discuss the attitude change based on Systematic Functional Grammar.

This paper seeks to draw attention to the linkages between gender equality, women’s rights and climate change by exploring its international legal and policy dimension. To this end, the paper describes how these linkages have been addressed both within the international climate change regime and the international human rights regime. The analysis shows that both regimes have recognized, to a certain extent, the importance of integrating a gender and human rights perspective into efforts to tackle climate change. However, so far, attempts to integrate both perspectives have taken a parallel rather than an integrated approach. Therefore, the author highlights the need for a gender-responsive human rights based approach to climate change.

연구에서는 한국 기후변화정책의 진화를 국제기후변화레짐과 연계하여 논의하였다. 주된 결론은 네 가지이다. 첫째, 한국 기후변화정책은, 제도 및 정책수단 변동이라는 관점을 바탕으로 구분할 때, 3단계를 거쳐 진화했다. 둘째, 각 단계들은 국제기후변화레짐의 변화를 이끈 주요 사건들과 연관되어 있다. 제1기(1992-1997)는 UNFCCC가 채택된 1992년에 시작되었고, 제2기(1998-2007)는 교토의정서가 채택된 1997년 직후에 시작되었으며, 제3기(2008-현재)는 포스트-교토 협상의 청사진을 제시한 2007년 발리로드맵의 채택 직후에 시작되었다. 셋째, 제3기는 국가감축목표, 녹색성장기본법, 녹색성장위원회, 온실가스거래제 등 한층 강력한 기후변화정책들이 채택된 시기라는 점에서 그 이전 시기들과 차별화될 수 있다. 한국도 온실가스 감축의무를 질 것으로 예상되는 포스트-교토 체제의 도래가 이러한 정책변동을 이끈 것으로 해석할 수 있다. 넷째, 국제기후변화레짐이 한국의 기후변화정책 진화에 미친 영향은 온실가스배출추이, 에너지안보, 그리고 대중인식 등과 같은 국내 요인들에 의해 매개되었으며, 이러한 매개효과는 특히 제3기로의 전환과정에서 두드러졌다고 볼 수 있다.

The United Nations (UN) has proposed two actions against climate change between 2015 and 2021: “combat” in Goal 13 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and “adaptation” in the 26th UN Climate Change Conference (the Conference of the Parties COP 26). This chapter aims to highlight pathways and actions for addressing and adapting to climate change at higher strategic levels and urban planning and design at the local level. In 32 authoritative texts, the snowball technique and content analysis were used to discover the interactions between people, nature, and climate change adaptation. The findings revealed that lower-level adaptation methods, such as urban design techniques, were ineffective in responding to people's actions in public areas. In terms of SDGs and COP 26, epistemological awareness of normative variables crucial to the relationship between people and nature in public spaces adds significantly to this endeavor.

A Culture of Neglect: Climate Discourse and Disabled People

Throughout the international climate change regime’s development up until 2012, the emergence of new and helpful mechanisms and negotiation processes were often accompanied by setbacks such as withdrawals and unmet State obligation. The object of this study focused on international community and indonesia’s policy towards climate change. The Method of this study is normative legal research. The result of this thesis is to situate the internal/domestic climate of several States (the U.S., Canada, Brazil, Norway, and Indonesia) and one regional organization (the EU); and connect it to the outward international policies each have chosen to put forward on the negotiation table and/or submit themselves to. Given the global nature of and concern about climate change, it feels as if there is no shortage of lessons to pick – from outright refusal to be legally bound to the regime at all (the U.S.), an unprecedented and recent move of formal and official withdrawal from the regime’s key instrument (Canada), the struggles with implementation that a regional organization might face (the European Union), to the recent moves and measures in environmental protection pioneered and led by States characterized by their increasingly strong economies (Brazil, Norway, and Indonesia).

The decisions made at the 2007 United Nations Climate Change Conference, in Nusa Dua Bali, have the potential to influence environmental policies in countries around the world, particularly policies to reduce global carbon emissions. This paper analyzed how the Indonesian media portrayed climate change issues during the Conference and the whether the Indonesian media and political actors have the same perspective on climate change issues. After examining approximately 160 news articles and press releases from political actors it was clear that the media and political actors, particularly environmental NGOs, paid careful attention to climate change. However, we found that the Indonesian government did not seriously manage this issue in the media, despite having the responsibility and authority to make environmentally friendly policies. Abstrak 2007 United Nations Climate Change Conference diNusa Dua Bali merupakan even yang sangat penting, bukan hanya bagi Indonesia sebagai tuan rumah konferensi, tetapi juga bagi umat manusia di dunia, karena keputusan tentang pengurangan emisi karbon global akan dapat memengaruhi kebijakan tentang lingkungan hidup diseluruh negara dibumi ini. Penelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan tentang bagaimana media diIndonesia menyajikan isu masalah perubahan iklim kepada audiensnya danmencari tahu bagaimana aktor-aktor penentu kebijakan lingkungan mempunyai pemahaman tentang masalah perubahan iklim. Metode analisis dilakukan dengan analisis framing dengan menganalisis 160 artikel media dan pressrelease dari harian KOMPAS, REPUBLIKA, Kementrian Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia, WALHI, dan GREENPEACE Indonesia selama-sepanjang-setelah even 2007 UNCCC diselenggarakan danhasilnya menemukan bahwa media dan NGO menganggap sangat serius issue perubahan iklim ini, namun pemerintah Indonesia tidak menganggapnya serius, sehingga pemerintah Indonesia tidak serius dalam mengorganisasikan issue masalah perubahan iklim ini, padahal mereka adalah penentu kebijakan utama pengurangan emisi karbon.

Nowadays, climate science communication is an issue not only discussed within a country but more like a global urgent task that needs wide perspective. This study investigated the prevalence of news frames in Climate change news coverage from the Guardian and China Daily during the 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen. Five news frames, attribution of responsibility, human interest, economic consequences, morality and conflict were applied to 59 Chinese news stories and 71 British news articles. By applying deductive framing analysis, the results showed that with slight variation, the proportion and pattern of reports on Copenhagen Climate Summit were similar across the two countries. This outcome extends the knowledge of developing and developed countries’ news coverage on climate change. Keywords: Climate change; UK; China; newspaper; Copenhagen

Climate change is a security problem in as much as the kinds of environmental changes that may result pose risks to peace and development. However, responsibilities for the causes of climate change, vulnerability to its effects, and capacity to solve the problem, are not equally distributed between countries, classes and cultures. There is no uniformity in the geopolitics of climate change, and this impedes solutions.