Abstract

Quilombolas are Afro-brazilian rural peasants who descended from escaped slaves who tried to carve out territories of autonomy (called Quilombos) by collective organization and resistance. Despite many anthropological and ethnopedological studies, little research has been carried out to identify the agricultural practices and the knowledge of people who live in the Quilombos (Quilombolas). Peasant communities who live from land resources have wide empirical knowledge related to local soils and landscapes. In this respect, ethnopedology focuses on their relationship with local practices, needs, and values. We carried out an ethnopedological evaluation of the soils, landscape and land suitability of the Malhada Grande Quilombola Territory, aiming to examine the local criteria involved in land-use decision making, and evaluate the legitimacy of local knowledge. For this purpose, participatory workshops allowed environmental stratification of the Quilombolas into landscape units, recognition of soil types, and evaluation of land-use criteria. This approach was combined with conventional soil sampling, description, and analysis. The Brazilian System of Soil Classification and its approximations to the WRB/FAO system and the SAAT land evaluation system were compared with the local classificatory systems, showing several convergences. The Quilombolas stratified the local environment into eight landscape units (based on soil, topography, and vegetation) and identified eight soil types with distinct morphological, chemical, and physical attributes. The conventional soil survey identified thirteen soil classes, in the same eight landscape units, organized as soil associations. The apparent contradictions between local knowledge and Pedology were relative since the classification systems were established based on different criteria, goals, and sampling references. Most soils are only suitable for pasture, with restricted agricultural use, due to water or oxygen deficiencies. The current land use was only inconsistent with the technical recommendations when socioecological constraints such as the semiarid climate, land availability, and economic conditions for land management led to overuse of the land. Local knowledge demonstrated its legitimacy and allowed a useful and fruitful exchange of information with the academic view of soil-landscape interplays. Although mostly unknown by the scientific community, local knowledge proved capable of achieving social welfare and food security. In addition, a participatory survey proved to be a core factor for more grounded and detailed data collection on how Quilombolas decide land use on a local scale.

Highlights

  • Mankind developed the ability to manage lands allowing sedentarization circa 10,000 years ago

  • We carried out an ethnopedological evaluation of the soils, landscape and land suitability of the Malhada Grande Quilombola Territory, aiming to examine the local criteria involved in land-use decision making, and evaluate the legitimacy of local knowledge

  • The presence of flattened tops with Dystric Xanthic Ferralsols (Clayic) (FRxady) and Rhodic/Xanthic Lixisols (LXro/xa), locally denominated as “Highlands with red earth” (Figure 1), is associated with a complex of semi-deciduous forest and degraded seasonal deciduous forest (Carrasco), corroborating Arruda et al (2013). This vegetation, commonly found in the semiarid northern region of Minas Gerais (MG) corresponds to secondary forest characterized by assemblying species of dry forest, including cerrado and caatinga

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Summary

Introduction

Mankind developed the ability to manage lands allowing sedentarization circa 10,000 years ago. Despite all technological advances, traditional rural populations have maintained close connections with local resources, focusing on self-sufficiency, totaling about 300 to 500 million indigenous people and 1,300 to 1,600 million smallholder farmers and other groups worldwide (Toledo and Barrera-Bassols, 2009). These communities possess elaborate management techniques and knowledge of local soil resources, which are key components of the terrestrial ecosystem and essential for their survival (Adhikari and Hartemink, 2016). The Quilombolas (Maroons) are recognized as geraizeiros (people who live on the top of the Espinhaço mountain), vazanteiros (from the rivers plains and terraces), and as caatingueiros (since they occupy dry forests known by local communities as caatinga) (D’Angelis Filho, 2009)

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