Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji

Articulation and Concordance: A Dialogue on Civil–Military Relations in Fiji

Food Security in <scp>COVID</scp>‐19: Insights from Indigenous Fijian Communities

The first Fiji coup of 14 May 1987 sought to reinstall a feudal aristocracy which had been severely threatened by a narrow defeat in the elections of the previous month. The coup reaffirmed the aristocracy's control over both polity and economy at a time when the newly elected government had been attempting to divide the two realms by creating a stronger, nonethnic state and an economy which was based upon principles which were rational, rather than ethnic and feudal. The aristocrats or chiefs tried to mobilize indigenous Fijian fears of Indian domination to justify the coup. However, conflicts within the indigenous Fijian community were at least as important in the events leading to the coup. Specifically, the new government elevated well-educated commoners over aristocrats, and these commoners (including Prime Minister Bavadra) were disproportionately from western Fiji, an area which has been subjected to the internal colonialism of eastern aristocrats for over one hundred years. This paper sees the origins of the first coup in class conflict and associated internal colonialism. It concludes with some speculations about the future, suggesting that Fiji is entering a new stage of ethnic relations roughly comparable to that of Malaysia, a society to which it is frequently compared, and that this process has been accelerated by the second coup of 25 September 1987.

Like most SIDS, Fiji’s economy is heavily dependent on tourism, and as elsewhere in the Pacific, this collapsed after COVID-19, as in Vatuolalai village, on the Coral Coast. Villagers had previously responded to such shocks as military coups and severe weather events, alongside the seasonality of tourism. Few studies have examined the longitudinal changes experienced by indigenous Fijian communities in responding to the perturbations and volatility of tourism. Ethnographic experience and systems theory demonstrate how the Fijian cultural system contributed to resilience, with response to COVID-19 being marked by return migration to villages, greater focus on agriculture and fishing, revitalisation of village government and church services, and reconsideration of the extent of dependence on tourism. Future development is likely to be more diversified.

Due to ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversities, there is potential for ethnic conflicts and ethnic tensions in community, but the emergence and occurrence of ethnic conflicts depend on the state's approach to managing or suppressing ethnic, linguistic, and cultural variations. Federalism is one of the most important mechanisms that governments adopt to manage ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversities. But the function of federalism in reducing ethnic conflicts is not necessarily positive, and in some cases, it has led to an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Accordingly, the central question is to examine whether federalism is a system to resolve or reduce ethnic conflicts? With an emphasis on ethnic conflicts in Iraq. The research hypothesis is that federalism, through the creation of bureaucratic structures, the development of political parties, the identification, and acceptance of cultural and linguistic commonalities, will restrict and reduce ethnic violence and conflict but not necessarily ethnic protest.&#x0D; &#x0D; Received: 26 December 2021 / Accepted: 28 February 2022 / Published: 5 March 2022

This note provides an overview of available cross-country data on ethnic conflict, tensions, and protests. First, it documents the steps taken in the selection of 16 different relevant data sources, before they are briefly described, and their distinct aspects are highlighted. Second, it includes some descriptive analysis of selected indicators, as well as comparisons between them. Overall, it suggests that data on ethnic armed conflict is easily accessible, especially through the GROWup – Geographical Research on War, Unified Platform. Moreover, the updated version of the Minorities at Risk (MAR) and accompanying datasets will also provide useful data. However, data on ethnic tensions, protests, and other types of violent and non-violent events (including the actors involved) is currently scattered across different sources, with differences in coverage and in the information provided.

ABSTRACTThis paper advances understanding of the complex and adaptive nature of indigenous Fijian communities involved in tourism. It examines how tourism-related development has set the people of one Fijian village along two separate development pathways, and explores how preferential access to tourism benefits has created disparities within the community. Complex Adaptive Systems theory and Social Capital theory are used to conceptualise how over 40 years of tourism involvement has influenced development within an indigenous Fijian community. The findings argue that indigenous Fijian communities are non-homogeneous entities, which are constantly in transition, responding and adapting integratively to both internal and external changes over time. The findings show that the emergence of new behaviours and ways of life has led to the collapse of the pre-existing systems of social capital. As a response, community members retreated and regrouped, strengthening internal bonds and social capital in their smaller social units, leading to both dependency and opportunity-seeking behaviours among participants. Ultimately, the paper asserts that money alone does not lead to development, but rather tourism and access to a variety of capital do.

Ethnic tensions and conflicts in Temerin, a town located close to the capital of Vojvodina, Novi Sad, have attracted the attention of both the Serbian public and the public of Hungarian national minority in Vojvodina. The paper relates ethnic conflicts in Temerin with non-ethnic social dimensions. Generally, the author tests modernisation theory, as an example of developmentalist theory, as well as interactionist and instrumentalist theories of ethnicity. Particularly, the paper provides corroboration test of the ethnic competition hypothesis, posed by Sarah Belanger and Maurice Pinard, which specifies conditions that transform ethnic competition into ethnic conflict. Finally, the study has revealed that material status has no influence on national intolerance. However, at the level of ethnic groups, the issues of public usage of language and positioning in the labour market are related to the ethnic conflicts in Temerin.

Racist violence in Russia has recently become a subject of interest to scholars and analysts of Russian politics. What are the similarities and differences between racist violence in Russia and the West? How does the level of Russian racist violence compare to other societies? Do racist hate groups in Russia have similar origins to groups in the West? This article considers these questions. I first demonstrate that Russia is indeed the most dangerous country in Europe for ethnic minorities, and argue that such violence is more ‘systematic’ (structured, ideologically coherent, patterned) than in other developed societies. The high level of violence against ethnic minorities in Russia is ‘over-determined’ by a combination of post-Soviet social and economic social changes, the brutalizing consequences of a long counter-insurgency campaign, and government passivity (and sometimes complicity) in the face of racist violence and hate speech. Thus, Russia’s systematic racist violence is analytically closer to outright ethnic conflict than to a form of criminal deviance that could aptly be termed ‘hate crime’.

Addressing racial and ethnic tensions in the United States is a critical issue that requires multifaceted approaches. Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) strategies offer a promising avenue for managing and reducing these conflicts by fostering dialogue, understanding, and cooperative problem-solving among diverse groups. ADR mechanisms such as mediation, arbitration, and negotiation provide neutral platforms for addressing deeply rooted racial and ethnic tensions in a constructive manner, emphasizing collaboration over confrontation. These strategies aim to bridge gaps in communication, build trust, and promote reconciliation by engaging stakeholders from various communities in open, respectful discussions. Mediation, as one of the key ADR methods, allows for the involvement of a neutral third party to facilitate conversations and identify mutually acceptable solutions. It is particularly effective in addressing issues of racial and ethnic discrimination, police-community relations, and institutional biases, where trust and open communication are essential for progress. Restorative justice, another ADR approach, focuses on healing and repairing the harm caused by racial or ethnic conflicts, encouraging offenders to take responsibility while empowering victims to voice their experiences. However, the effectiveness of ADR in addressing racial and ethnic tensions depends on cultural sensitivity and the inclusion of minority voices in the process. ADR practitioners must be trained to recognize power imbalances and systemic inequalities that could influence the resolution process. Furthermore, community involvement and continuous dialogue are vital in ensuring long-term success and sustained peace. This abstract highlights the potential of ADR strategies in addressing racial and ethnic tensions in the USA, emphasizing the need for culturally attuned practices and inclusive dialogue. By prioritizing collaboration and understanding, ADR can play a significant role in mitigating racial and ethnic conflicts, promoting social cohesion, and fostering a more just and equitable society.

Purpose: Military brutalities continue to occur in Africa notwithstanding a momentous drop in military coups. Military-civilian relations are still problematic and complex since in some cases civilians die in military custody. This article is a sociological study and analysis of how Ghana’s Convention Peoples Party’s Northern Regional Chairman, Issah Mobila was brutally murdered in military custody in Tamale, the Northern Regional capital and the effect the murder had on the family and the people of the Region.&#x0D; Methodology: The study was purely qualitative hence qualitative procedures and processes were used. Interview guides as well as observation were used for the primary data while the secondary data were sourced via internet and written documents like the newspapers. The data were thematically analysed and, in some cases, individual responses were quoted verbatim.&#x0D; Findings: The study asserted that Mobila was murdered by the military hence two of the military officers were convicted. The study also asserted that Mobila was wrongly accused by the security services and murdered in military custody. The study found that the family of the deceased continued to suffer psychological discomfort hence the elder’s son contemplated committing suicide. The Regional Security Council gave conflicting statements which angered the youth and the opinion leaders which created insecurity in the municipality resulting in hunger in the capital of Tamale as food sellers refused to sell for the fear that they might be killed. Also, the wives of the military men in the barracks also seized going to the market for fear of reprisal. Tamale therefore came to a standstill in the midst of heavy military patrols in the municipality. Media reportage was prominent as the murder issue was discussed thoroughly.&#x0D; Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: This murder case was unprecedented in the history of the military in Tamale hence it provoked calls on government to ensure cordial and effective relationship between the civilian population and the military to obviate a recurrence. Constant lectures and dialogue on military-civilian relationship are being encouraged in order to strengthen coexistence between the military and the civilians.

Purpose: This article sought to understand the reasons for military coups in West Africa Since 1990. With this, we would be able to assess their effects and the obstacles these coups present to democracy in West Africa. It is clear that military takeovers have posed a constant threat to democratic rule in West Africa. There are many different reasons why military coups occur in West Africa, including ethnic conflicts, economic grievances, and corruption. Military leaders have occasionally defended their actions by arguing that they were required to reestablish order and solve perceived shortcomings in civilian authority. This is why it’s necessary to investigate these claims. Coups have wide-ranging effects which include violations of human rights among others, warranting mitigating circumstances.&#x0D; Methodology: The article uses a qualitative research design. Information on the research came purely from the review of scholarly articles and reports on the topic and it covers the whole of West Africa. The information presented is based on a synthesis of findings from these sources, with a focus on identifying the obstacles to democracy and progress posed by military coups in the region.&#x0D; Findings: From synthesization of information from other reviews, we discovered that West Africa is one of the most affected parts of Africa as far as military coups are concerned. We equally found out that though not so unique to West Africa, poor governance, political instability, neocolonialism, plays a major in promoting military coups.&#x0D; Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Knowledge acquired from this study would be able to make readers gain specific knowledge on why military coups are frequent in West Africa and to see how such coups can be avoided in other parts of Africa so as to promote democracy and human rights. One unique point included in this research that has been too investigated by many authors is the part played by neocolonialism in coups in West Africa. From a practical standpoint, the analysis and recommendations would inform policymakers, and stakeholders working on issues related to democracy, governance, and security in West Africa.

A large body of research has examined the factors that influence military coups in authoritarian and democratic states. While this research is informative, we contend that three factors are central in assessing the likelihood of military coups in developing democracies: the perception of corruption within regimes, levels of popular support, and the incentives segments of the military have to initiate coups. In utilizing a historical case‐study analysis with six states in Africa, Asia, and Latin America (from 1970‐2010) we find that successful military coups are more likely to occur when the ruling administration is increasingly viewed by the public as being corrupt, is unpopular with large portions of society and key factions within the state, and when segments of the military perceive their position within the state as being threatened by the current regime. These findings have important implications for democratic governance in developing democracies. Related Articles:Hiroi, Taeko, and Sawa Omori. 2013. “Causes and Triggers of Coups d'état: An Event History Analysis.” Politics &amp; Policy 41 (1): 39‐64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12001Kim, Hae S. 2009. “The Complexities of Internal Conflict in the Third World: Beyond Ethnic and Religious Conflict.” Politics &amp; Policy 37 (2): 395‐414. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00177.x/abstractMcCarthy‐Jones, Anthea, and Mark Turner. 2015. “Policy Transfer through Time and the Search for Legitimacy in Developing Nations.” Politics &amp; Policy 43 (2): 215‐238. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12113

A journey into contemporary Africa's most powerful, most corrupt nation.. To understand Africa, you have to understand Nigeria, and few Americans understand Nigeria better than Karl Maier. In the tradition of Philip Gourevitch's bestselling We Regret to Inform You...and Redmond O'Hanlon's No Mercy, This House Has Fallen is a bracing, disturbing, evocative report on the state of Africa's most populous, potentially richest, and most dangerously dysfunctional nation.Each year, with depressing consistency, Nigeria is declared the most corrupt state in the entire world. A nation into which billions of dollars of oil money flow, Nigeria's per capita income has dramatically fallen in the past two decades. All of the money has been stolen by elites. Also stolen has been democracy. Nigeria's leaders tend to elect themselves, often with the help of a gun. Military coup follows military coup. A rare democratic election is often merely a prelude to the next seizure of power by a general who wants greater access to the state's rapidly depleted vaults. A country of rising ethnic tensions and falling standards of living, Nigeria is a bellwether for Africa. And yet some think it is on the verge of utter collapse, a collapse that could overshadow even the massacres in Rwanda.A brilliant piece of reportage and travel writing, this book looks into the Nigerian abyss and comes away with insight, profound conclusions, and even some hope. To understand Africa, you have to understand Nigeria, and few Americans understand Nigeria better than Karl Maier. In the tradition of Philip Gourevitch's bestselling We Regret to Inform You...and Redmond O'Hanlon's No Mercy, This House Has Fallen is a bracing, disturbing, evocative report on the state of Africa's most populous, potentially richest, and most dangerously dysfunctional nation.Each year, with depressing consistency, Nigeria is declared the most corrupt state in the entire world. A nation into which billions of dollars of oil money flow, Nigeria's per capita income has dramatically fallen in the past two decades. All of the money has been stolen by elites. Also stolen has been democracy. Nigeria's leaders tend to elect themselves, often with the help of a gun. Military coup follows military coup. A rare democratic election is often merely a prelude to the next seizure of power by a general who wants greater access to the state's rapidly depleted vaults. A country of rising ethnic tensions and falling standards of living, Nigeria is a bellwether for Africa. And yet some think it is on the verge of utter collapse, a collapse that could overshadow even the massacres in Rwanda.A brilliant piece of reportage and travel writing, this book looks into the Nigerian abyss and comes away with insight, profound conclusions, and even some hope. *The first significant book on this subject in decades Nigeria is strategically vital to the United States-- it is one of our major suppliers of oil .

Racial and ethnic violence takes many forms. Genocides, ethnic cleansing, pogroms, civil wars, and violent separatist movements are the most obvious and extreme expressions, but less organized violence such as rioting, and hate crimes by individuals or small groups are products of racial and ethnic conflict as well. Also, the distribution of criminal violence within societies, which may or may not be aimed at members of another group, is in some places a by-product of ongoing conflicts between superior and subordinated racial or ethnic groups. Although estimates of the number of deaths attributable to ethnic violence vary widely, range of eleven to twenty million given for the period between 1945 and the early 1990s show the gravity of this type of conflict (Williams 1994, 50). So it comes as no surprise that scholars have paid increasing attention to such conflicts over the last decades.